THE BJP and the RSS are not only whipping up a frenzy of communalism and nationalism, but also using such sentiments to aid neoliberalism. With all the hue and cry over the central government’s jolting decisions in the recent past, what comes to fore is the discussion on communalism and nationalism, while its direct correlation to neoliberalism is being sidelined, which is precisely what the primary focus should be on.
THE Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (Regulation of Livestock Markets) Rules, 2017 were published on May 25, 2017, just days before the commemoration of the third anniversary of the Modi government. Through these rules, the government has effectively dealt a blow to small producers and the farmers who sell their unfit animals to traders and commission agents in the livestock markets. Further, the foundations of meat export industry are also steeped in informal supply lines and trading networks which supply cattle to ‘modernised slaughter houses’.
IF we are to believe the propaganda of the BJP and Sangh Parivar – the cattle of India are on the verge of extinction. The blame for this imminent extinction, is laid at the door of those who consume and sell bovine meat – mainly Muslims. Equally blamed are the slaughter houses from where, apparently, beef is being exported on a massive scale, threatening the survival of the species.
IN his article ‘Not an Imagined Community’ (Indian Express, April 22) the RSS ideologue Rakesh Sinha claims that the Sangh’s conception of nationalism is not invented but is a historical fact which is based on culturally inclusive development of the Indian civilisation. This article (and especially its title) is a direct critique of the idea of the ‘nation’ as an ‘imagined’ political community which was potently described in Benedict Anderson’s seminal text ‘Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism’.
THE incidence of rural distress is assuming alarming proportions in many parts of the country. In those areas which are either perennially prone to drought or have suffered drought-like conditions in the last two years, the situation is nothing short of deadly. Even a short visit to such an area is enough to expose the hollowness of the assurances being given by the state and central governments and also their complicity in destroying lives and livelihoods here.
THE BJP’s massive majority in the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections led to the anointment of Yogi Adityanath as the chief minister. And in his very first pronouncement, the ‘Yogi’ ordered the ban of slaughter houses in the state. The argument made by the newly elected government was that these slaughter houses were not following the National Green Tribunal guidelines and hence they should be closed. Close on the heels of this pronouncement was the amendment in the Gujarat government’s law which stipulated that a person who killed a cow would get life imprisonment.
ON February 10, 1999, Yogi Adityanath and his armed supporters desecrated a graveyard in Muslim-dominated Panchrukhiya village in Maharajganj district of Uttar Pradesh. When the police acted swiftly, they fled and on the way, they fired at a group of Samajwadi Party workers who were demonstrating against the then BJP government in the state. In the attack, at least four persons were injured. One of them, Head Constable Satyaprakash Yadav, who was the personal security guard of the Samajwadi Party leader leading the demonstration, Talat Aziz, later succumbed to bullet injuries.
On November 23, the Kerala State Planning Board appointed a Committee to study the impact of demonetisation on the economy of Kerala. The committee has come out with a report, the excerpts of which were published in the issue dated. Below are the recommendations of the committee.