On the Kerala Story
KN Ganesh
RECENTLY, the screening of the film 'The Kerala Story' has made headlines. The film's trailer claimed to explore the religious conversion to Islam in Kerala and the alleged recruitment of converts by IS, an Islamist military organisation. According to the trailer, 32,000 women were converted to Islam under the guise of 'love Jihad.' This sparked significant controversy within Kerala, with people vehemently protesting against the defamation of minorities and the dissemination of malicious propaganda. Later, the filmmakers clarified that the film only focuses on the actions of three individuals, rather than the initially claimed 32,000. Following some edits, the censor board has approved the film for release.
The concept and script of the film adhere to the standard format of a Hindi commercial film, but the selection of the theme cannot be seen as insignificant or as innocent. It is widely acknowledged that, with a few exceptions, the Hindi film industry is not sympathetic to the prevailing Hindutva politics. In the commercial film 'Pathaan,' a song sequence generated controversy due to the specific choice of attire, and the actor involved has been vocal in expressing opposition to Hindutva interventions. B-grade filmmakers, as seen in the case of 'The Kerala Story,' seem to be compensating by opting for themes that align with the Hindutva agenda.
THE MYTH OF MUSLIM MENACE
The narrative of a perceived Muslim threat originating from the South, particularly Kerala, has persisted for over a century. The Mappila Muslims of Kerala have a history of anti-colonial uprisings, and following the First World War, Khilafat activism gained significant traction in the Malabar region. The combination of Khilafat activism and the miserable conditions that prevailed among the peasantry of Malabar led to the uprising of 1921. However, this revolt was swiftly interpreted in the North as a malicious endeavour by Muslims to take over the Indian nation, starting from a region where they held a majority. This interpretation by a section of the Hindus made them form Hindu protection committees, a process that finally led to the establishment of the RSS in 1925.
However, the political landscape in Kerala took a different trajectory. The influence of Khilafat gradually waned after the events of 1921. While a few Kerala Muslims became active in the All India Muslim League, it wasn't until 1937 that the organisation managed to establish a unit in the region. Instead, Muslims in Kerala actively participated in the Congress, with prominent figures like Muhammed Abdurahiman leading the way. Abdurahiman, an alumnus of Aligarh, advocated a blend of Islamic nationalism and socialist principles, promoting his ideas through the newspaper Al-Ameen. The influence of Abdurahiman, Moidu Moulvi, Hassan Koya Mollah, and others led to the inclusion of large sections of Muslims in the national movement, with some even embracing socialist and communist ideologies. Abdurahiman himself became an activist of the Congress Socialist Party and, later on, he and his followers pledged their allegiance to Subash Bose and formed a unit of the Forward Bloc.
Thus, the perception of a Muslim menace originating from Kerala, propagated by Hindutva-RSS, was unfounded. In general, Muslims in Kerala aligned themselves with the anti-colonial and nationalist movements. While certain sections of the Ulema and elite Muslims supported the demand for Pakistan, the overall influence of the Pakistan slogan was minimal. The challenging conditions caused by famine during the Second World War did lead some individuals to consider the idea of a separate Muslim state. A few sections did migrate to Pakistan, but there is no evidence to suggest a massive exodus of emigrants to the new state. Unlike the Hindu-Muslim conflicts instigated by the RSS and Jamaat-e-Islami in the North, Kerala remained unaffected, and there was no concerted push for joining Pakistan, as was observed in the cases of Nizam of Hyderabad or the Nawab of Jamnagar.
After the partition in 1947, the All India Muslim League (AIML) was dissolved, and in 1948, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) was established. The IUML fully embraced the framework of bourgeois politics following India's independence. The Muslim masses in Kerala aligned themselves with various political parties, including the Muslim League, the Congress, and the Communist and Socialist Parties. Hence, the portrayal of a Muslim menace by Hindutva forces was a baseless fabrication.
The emergence of Pan-Islamism worldwide since the 1970s has altered the balance of power to some extent. The revival of Jamaat-e-Islami and the establishment of SIMI in the 1980s, followed by the growth of PFI and its affiliated political party, SDPI, have provided a political platform for Islamic extremists. The influence of Ulema from various Sunni factions and the reformist Nadwat-al-Mujahideen has significantly increased. In response to events like the Gulf War, the World Trade Centre bombing, and the US occupation of Iraq, these groups have adopted an anti-imperialist stance and shown willingness to align with likeminded groups, although not with "mainstream" political parties.
The rise of Hindutva forces in the central government, characterised by their vehement anti-Muslim propaganda, has compelled Muslim groups to shift their positions. They have become more willing to adopt a conciliatory approach towards like-minded political parties such as the IUML.
In this context, the concept of "love jihad" emerges as a significant theme in 'The Kerala Story.' It was propagated that Muslim youth entice young girls from other religions to fall in love with them, and impose conversion to Islam as a condition for marriage. Additionally, it was claimed that they would persuade these girls to join Islamic militant groups like IS. Reports of a few such cases from Afghanistan and Syria fuelled the myth of widespread conversions through this method. Hindutva forces capitalised on these isolated incidents and used them as a campaign tactic in regions with a substantial Muslim population, such as Uttar Pradesh. The myth of love jihad had such a profound impact that even a Christian archbishop spoke out against love jihad among Christian women.
Kerala society has embraced and encouraged interreligious and inter-caste marriages for over a century. Numerous such marriages have taken place, with or without the element of conversion. The people of Kerala have also shown tolerance towards conversions, as long as they are voluntary and not coerced. While it is true that certain marriages have involved the conditionality of voluntary conversions, the depiction of forced conversions in the film is a deliberate falsehood and an insult to the minority communities in Kerala.
Spreading such deliberate falsehoods, even in a fictional form, can lead to extreme communal polarisation, undermining the very foundation of the Indian Constitution upon which independent India is built
COMMUNAL AMITY AND DEMOCRACY
This false accusation is being made against a state with a well-established history of communal harmony. Kerala is home to a population of 27 per cent Muslims and 18 per cent Christians, which collectively forms a minority population of 45 per cent. Despite being a diverse state, Kerala has not experienced communal violence when compared to other parts of India. While there have been a few minor incidents, Kerala has been successful in containing widespread communal violence, even during the aftermath of the Babri Masjid demolition.
Kerala has provided ample democratic space for all sections of the population, including extremist groups, to express their opinions. In comparison to other states, social media in Kerala remains free and unrestricted. Additionally, Kerala has witnessed substantial out-migration, with Keralites settling in various countries, particularly in the Gulf region and West Asia. It is worth noting that, considering the large diaspora, the number of recruits from Kerala to Islamic military organisations has been relatively low. Evidence suggests that such recruitments have occurred from other parts of India as well.
Instead of recognising and appreciating a state that upholds values of tolerance, communal harmony, and democracy, Hindutva forces are actively engaged in conducting insidious propaganda. This propaganda reveals their malicious intent and utter disregard for democratic freedoms. The inclusion of such intent within the making of a film demonstrates the depths to which Hindutva forces are willing to stoop in order to denigrate a society that has, in the recent elections, failed to elect a single BJP candidate to the Assembly. Such actions reflect their disdain for a society that does not align with their ideology.
