PRIME Minister Narender Modi had made extra diplomatic efforts to secure a seat for India in the 48-member Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). However, despite his lobbying and intense drama, during the two-day meeting of the group members in Seoul on June 23-24, India failed to get a seat in the club of nuclear suppliers. Why did Modi meet his Waterloo at NSG in spite of his efforts to win over the American imperialist-led western capitalist countries? Where did Modi go wrong in his handling of powerful countries of the world whose support was essential for India’s entry into NSG? A few facts may be mentioned to substantiate the point that completely flawed diplomatic approach followed by Modi has not only brought humiliation to India at the NSG meeting, but he also succeeded, without any plausible reason, to completely aggravate China by making India, a powerful neighbouring country in Asia, an “unfriendly nation”. First, Modi, as the chief foreign policy maker of the BJP government at the Centre, has made every effort to make India an active member of the America-led new global order in the 21ST century, unlike the Congress-led UPA government which was quite friendly to the USA but had built the India-USA relationship by following a policy of great caution and ambiguity. Modi has openly and unhesitatingly declared his complete loyalty to and preference for the US. While dealing with the USA, Modi personally cultivated “friendship” with President Barack Obama and it was claimed on his behalf that his greatest achievement was that he had held personal set-up with the US President. In his four face-to-face meetings with President Obama between 2014 and 2016, Modi claimed to have firmly cemented “strategic and defence partnership” with the sole military super power at the global level. Modi, in his address to the United States Congress during the June 7-8 visit, said the “constraints of the past are behind us” and “a new symphony is in play”. The real message of Modi to the Americans was that under his stewardship, the “doctrine of strategic autonomy” is abandoned and it is replaced by close strategic and defence ties between the two countries. The business of the US government is to plant the business interests of its corporate entities. Hence, this is the reason that Modi, during his June visit, not only assured Americans that India is an ally but also agreed that six nuclear reactors will be purchased by the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd. from US-based Westinghouse Electric Company. The story does not end here. The Modi government has assured the western monopoly capitalist class that India’s “opening of economy” to foreign markets is not an empty promise and on his return from the US, the Centre on June 20 announced a series of policies for facilitating foreign investment in various sectors. The June 20 package included foreign direct investment in defence, pharmaceuticals, single brand retail on food items, civil aviation, etc. While announcing these new policies for liberalisation of foreign direct investments, Modi said, “India is now the most open economy in the world for foreign direct investment” and “now most of the sectors would be under automatic approval route, except a small negative list”. The government is also openly cooperating with the Americans militarily by holding joint naval exercises. America is expanding its military control and presence in the Asia Pacific and India’s participation in this American military project in the region is quite noble. The upshot of the above narrative makes it quite clear that Modi has pushed India into the American camp and China, which is challenging the American-led world order, has to take note of India’s role. China comes into the picture during discussions about India’s entry into NSG, which is internationally led by America in favour of its favourite India. The new strategic Indo-US partnership has made China to rethink about the quality of its relationship with India, an American ally. If China is questioning America’s hegemonic global approach, it cannot take India at its words and because of this “trust deficit” between these two neighbouring countries, bilateral relationships can never be smooth. Further, India and China have inherited some boundary disputes from their colonial past and during the last six to seven decades, both these countries have emerged as economic powers in Asia. While India and China have developed many common areas of cooperation, many conflicts between these two countries remain unresolved. Further, with the glowing economic strength, both the countries have also become competitors, especially because both are searching for markets and countries for raw material and energy resources. Energy needs of both these countries are unlimited because of their expanding economics and this creates a situation of competition, even conflict of interest between these two countries. This low level of tensions between these two Asian neighbours can be managed but they get aggravated if China suspects India’s intentions over its growing relations with America or Chinese support for Pakistan is viewed by Indians as an anti-India project by the Chinese. The walls of suspicion and distant between India and China have created a situation where China in the NSG assented that India has not signed Non Proliferation Treaty (NPP) and so it cannot be admitted to NSG. The clause that if a country has not signed NPT cannot be member of NSG already exists and China used this technical argument against India’s application for membership of NSG. It is not only China, even small countries like Switzerland, New Zealand, Italy and Australia, a close ally of America, took stand like China that India’s membership application could not be entertained at the Seoul meeting on June 23-24. The technical objection raised by some countries, especially China, for NSG membership of India is only one part of the story, the larger issue which has emerged at the present is that Modi has openly, by following blind pro-America policies, has created serious doubts among the Chinese about India’s real intentions about its role in international affairs in the 21ST century. The die has been cast and India-China trust deficit has widened after the June 24 NSG meeting in Seoul. However, the policies performed by the NDA government and Modi’s personal foreign policy initiatives to cement ties with the USA were closely observed by China and conclusions might have been drawn by the Chinese that Modi is perhaps evolving a new quality of relationship with America, directly or indirectly impacting China in Asia. It can be stated clearly that the Hindutva RSS and its political face BJP are ideologically committed to the building of a militarily strong Indian state. The agenda of Sangh Parivar is to establish a militarily strong Hindu State and the alliance with America is seen very beneficial for a strong Hindu state. RSS is unable to reconcile with Muslim Pakistan and it has also not forgotten or forgiven China for border dispute of 1962 when India suffered humiliation at the battle field. The world is very different in the 21ST century. Not only this, RSS and Jan Sangh were against foreign policy of non-alignment because of their anti- Communism and hence anti-Communist Russia and China stand. Modi carries on his shoulders the ideological baggage of being anti-Communism and anti-Muslim and extend it to being anti-China and anti-Pakistan. The new global order, as understood and interpreted by RSS and Modi, has pushed India into the American camp and China which is proving a direct challenge to Modi in the new world order naturally find India on other side of the fence. This explains China’s stand in the NSG meeting and the Modi government is expected to rethink its own perspectives on foreign policy, instead of blaming just China for its opposition to India’s entry into NSG, and China has to seriously negotiate at the bilateral levels and strengthen areas of agreements and reduce issues of conflict and the journey has to be from bilateralism to globalism and not vice versa.