THE elections to the legislative assembly of Tamil Nadu held on May 16, 2016, have resulted in a more or less bipolar outcome. Of the 232 constituencies where the polls were held, the AIADMK along with its allies has won 134 seats. The main opposition party, the DMK, has won 89 seats while its major ally, the Indian National Congress (INC) won 8 and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), another ally of the DMK, won one seat. The six party front comprising the People’s Welfare Front  (PWF), the Deseeya Murpokku Dravidar Kazhakam (DMDK) led by Vijayakanth and the Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) led by GK Vasan drew a blank as did all the other parties in the fray, including the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), the BJP and Naam Thamizhar (“We are Tamils”) party.

In terms of the share of votes polled in all the 232 constituencies taken together, including the NOTA ballots, the AIADMK and its allies won 40.8 percent of the votes polled.  For the DMK-led front, the DMK polled 31.6 percent of the votes, the INC 6.4 percent, the IUML  0.7 percent, Manitha Neya Makkal Katchi (MMK)  0.5 percent and  Puthiya Thamizhakam (PT) 0.5 percent. The difference between the vote shares of the two main fronts dominated by AIADMK and DMK respectively is thus just over 1 percentage point.  The PWF-DMDK-TMC combine got 6.1 percent of the valid votes polled while the PMK got 5.3 percent and the BJP 2.8 percent, with both contesting in all 232 constituencies.

ROLE OF

MONEY POWER

The 2016 assembly elections have been characterised by  corrupt practices by both the AIADMK and the DMK on an unprecedented  scale. The fact that the Election Commission of India, in a rather belated reaction,  decided to cancel the elections in the two constituencies of Aravakurichi and Thanjavur on the ground that there was widespread distribution of cash for votes by both the AIADMK and the DMK candidates, is a grim reminder of the role played by the distribution of cash for votes by both the major parties in this election. These two constituencies were no exceptions. In fact, what happened in these two constituencies is pretty much what happened throughout the state. The two major parties were brazen in adopting this practice throughout the state. Even a normally cautious English daily was constrained to note the widespread nature of the phenomenon of paying voters for their votes and to suggest that it would not have been unreasonable if the Election Commission had cancelled the assembly polls in the entire state.

Apart from the role of money power in the specific form of cash for votes there was also the scale of electoral spending indulged in by both the AIADMK and the DMK, making a complete mockery of the so-called norms relating to election expenses which existed only on paper but were completely ignored on the ground. A distinct feature of this election was that all aspects of the electoral process were ‘scientifically’ monetised.  Both the major parties (and some others too, which had ample resources) followed the method of having  every election-related work – whether for vote canvassing or for mobilising people to attend public meetings or for other work - done on payment basis. Focussing on political issues, engaging in serious debates and discussions on policies and programmes and their implementation, responding to questions of corruption and so on – all these were conspicuous by their near-complete absence as far as the two major parties were concerned. The phenomenon of paid news was also very widespread in this election.

ROLE OF

MEDIA

In the early stages of the electoral process, the media – electronic and print – gave some coverage to the PWF. But as soon as the PWF-DMDK-TMC alliance came into being, there was a dramatic change. This combination had a potential vote share that made it a credible and serious opposition. With the two major parties leaving no stone unturned to present the election as a bipolar contest between them, the corporate controlled media fell in line, and coverage of the PWF–DMDK–TMC combine was drastically reduced, with such coverage as came their way being only to deride them and to make fun of key alliance leaders such as Vaiko and Vijayakanth. Even the massive campaign rally of the six party combine in Tiruchirapalli a few days before the date of polling was largely ignored in the mainstream media. 

INADEQUATE

REACH

Though the PWF had hit the road much earlier than others with its campaigns focused on corruption, liquor menace, the agrarian crisis, opposition to neo-liberal policies, transparency  in governance,  prioritising education and health care and so on, this was not the case with the six party combine that took shape fairly close to the start of the election process beginning with filing of nominations. This meant that, especially given their resource constraints, it would be difficult to reach the entire people with their messages of alternative politics and policies as opposed to the dominant corrupt politics which had been firmly put in place by both the AIADMK and the DMK over decades. The PWF-DMDK-TMC combine had an electoral alliance with a commitment to a coalition government. The PWF had put together, as a product of serious discussions and much thought, a credible common minimum programme and the PWF-DMDK-TMC combine an election manifesto that spoke to the needs of the working people of Tamil Nadu. The Front, however, lacked the financial and manpower resources to take it across effectively to the people in the short time before the poll date. As already noted, it received little coverage in the mainstream media, and of what it did receive, a large part was hostile and highly biased.

NEED FOR A PRO-PEOPLE

POLITICAL ALTERNATIVE

It is clear that the efforts put in by the PWF and its allies to promote an alternative politics in the state based on a set of pro-people policy measures and on putting an end to corruption, the liquor menace and the loot of natural resources by the two main parties that have ruled the state since 1967 have not led to a favourable electoral outcome for them. However, this does not imply at all that the search for an alternative is futile or doomed to fail. Far from it.

Based on the decisions of the 21st state conference of the CPI(M) held from February 15 to 19, 2015 and, in accordance with the Political Tactical Line of the 21st Party Congress held in Visakhapatnam in April 2015, the CPI(M) state committee had evolved its electoral tactical line in its meeting held in late April 2015. It was decided to bring together all Left, secular and democratic forces to fight both the Congress and the BJP as well as the AIADMK and the DMK. In addition, the caste-based PMK which had sought to mobilise the caste Hindus against the dalits across the state and was also  seeking vigorously to mobilise electoral support from the Vanniar community based on appeal to caste sentiments, was also excluded from the purview of any electoral alliance that we sought to forge. In July 2015, the Party took the initiative to bring together like minded parties and forces for a campaign on people’s issues. The campaign focused on the serious social consequences of the liquor policy followed in the state. The issue of corruption, which has percolated to all levels, but of which the dominant Dravidian parties have been the fount, was also highlighted. The loot of the natural resources of the state facilitated by both corruption and the neo-liberal policies pursued by both the DMK and the AIADMK governments in the state for over 25 years now, and the anti-people consequences of neo-liberal policies were also exposed in the campaign of the four parties – MDMK, VCK, CPI and the CPI(M) - that came together to form the People’s Welfare Front (PWF). By November of 2015, the PWF members had put together a common minimum programme which provided the basis for their forming an electoral front. The PWF constituents had also made it clear that they had come together to fight for important common issues, and this struggle would continue after the elections as well, no matter the outcome of the elections. 

BUILDING THE LDF AND UNITING

THE LEFT, DEMOCRATIC AND SECULAR FORCES

For the moment, the electoral dominance of the AIADMK and DMK has come to the fore. However, the lived experience is that the policies pursued by both these parties when in government have not solved, and will not solve the basic problems of the people of the state. Pursuing neo-liberal policies of the Congress-led and BJP-led central governments, and seeking to provide minimal relief for the devastation wrought by these policies through some welfare measures will not be a viable option in the long run. The agrarian crisis in the state has not vanished, nor has massive unemployment and urban distress. Corruption is rampant and remains a strong deterrent to productive activity. The environment of the state has been seriously impaired by the loot of natural resources. Increasing privatisation and commercialisation of education and health care is seriously weakening the prospects of the next generation. Neither the AIADMK nor the DMK, with their vigorous pursuit of neo-liberal policies, their monumental corruption, their willingness to collaborate and ally with communal forces as demonstrated in the past, and their anti-democratic practices of muzzling the people’s opposition, can address the basic issues of the people. The need for a democratic alternative remains.

The CPI(M) remains committed to the pursuit of such an alternative, both by strengthening the PWF, and by drawing in all other Left, democratic and secular forces. The call of the Visakhapatnam Congress and of the Kolkata Plenum, to unleash and lead class and mass struggles, to strengthen the Party, to build  the Left and Democratic Front, remains valid and will be vigorously pursued by the Party in Tamil Nadu in the period ahead.