THE Indigenous People’s Front of Tripura (IPFT), an open political organisation of the outlawed NLFT outfit, which let loose blood bath annihilating several hundred people, both Bengalis and tribals, for more than a decade in Tripura, has again started playing with fire raising demand for a separate state in the name “Twipra Land” with the territorial area of existing TTAADC (Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council). On 23 August last, they organised an aggressive and violent procession in Agartala town and spewed most provocative anti-Bengali hatred. Naturally, peace-loving people of the state are panicked anticipating that days of horror are coming back again. Who Belong to the IPFT It is a breakaway group of erstwhile TUJS and Harinath Debbarma and N C Debbarma are its leaders. Harinath Debbarma was the founding chief of the Independent Tripura Government that was published in Tripura Star, a weekly newspaper edited by Bijoy Kumar Hrangkhwal before he had gone underground to form a militant outfit in the name TNV in the eighties of last century. Under the leadership of Harinath Debbarma, TUJS in its Taidu conference in March, 1980 and in presence of Maharani Bibhu Kumari Debi adopted a resolution for extradition of the Bengalis from the state in the name of making Tripura free of Bengalis and with that aim in view, they called a Bazar Boycott (Market Boycott) in June that year resultant consequence of which was outburst of Tribal-Bengali ethnic violence that claimed several hundred lives. In 1990, election to the ADC was totally rigged through unprecedented terror and violence let loose by the then Congress-TUJS coalition regime to usher a forced majority and Harinath Debbarma was set as CEM of the ADC. Again in 2000, Harinath Debbarma resorted to unprecedented violence with the help of the armed NLFT extremists and managed victory in ADC election. During his two terms, ADC headquarter was turned a hub of extremist outfits and rampant misappropriation of ADC fund continued unabated, practically making the ADC a ‘council for the extremists’. Another IPFT leader Narendra Chandra Debbarma was Director of the Agartala station of All India Radio. He helped the insurgent outfits a lot through tactfully highlighting the issues propagated by the extremists during his incumbency. He once visited bordering area of Gournagar of Khowai Sub Division with his official vehicle. He left the vehicle in Indian side, trespassed into Bangladesh and after having secret parlays with the extremist leaders for several hours came back to India. It was reported that N C Debbarma helped extremists to prepare blue print of attacks in various places of the state. King’s Rule and IPFT IPFT is a staunch supporter of the feudal King’s rule. They don’t admit that under the monarchy, tribal were victims of inhuman tortuous feudal custom and exploitation for generations. The King’s rule hardly had any attempt to develop education, health care, dwelling houses, irrigation, road communication for its subjects. Nor the royal administration took any initiative to develop tribal language and to enrich and preserve tribal culture which was on the verge of getting lost forever. The huge quantum of tax collected by means of torturous method from the impoverished villagers were lavishly spent out on extravagant luxurious live of the royal families and construction of royal palace. Tribal lives in the monarchy were no more than savagery in the King’s rule. It was not that, the simple-minded tribal villagers took this feudal rule for granted. The tax in the form of kinds had to be carried from village after village by the villagers without any wage. This was called ‘Titun’ system. In Padmabill of Khowai Sub Division, three tribal heroines, namely Kumari, Madhuti and Rupashree, courted martyrdom to protest this inhuman ‘Titun’ custom. The Zihad against Monarchy Naturally, the people under royal rule were aspiring for relief from this repressive rule. In 1945, a few newly educated tribal youths namely, Dasaratha Debbarma, Aghore Debbarma, Hemanta Debbarma, Sudhanwa Debbarma, realised that a drive is necessary to emancipate the tribal masses from the clutches of the King’s dark rule. Education was a priority to that objective. Defying the red eyes of the monarchy, they started opening of primary schools in villages to render universal education to the tribals. They called educated youths to come forward to work as teacher in the village schools. This was a historical and tremendously successful drive which was popularly known as “Janashiksha Movement” that rocked the King’s palace. The royal administration then started war against Janashiksha Samity. Ultimately, this Janashiksha movement turned to a movement for democracy under the leadership of “Ganamukti Parishad’ which advanced the movement on the demand ‘a king elected by the civilian’, i.e. a Government elected by adult franchise. Ganamukti Parishad played a glorious role against torture, customs, exploitation and superstition that were prevalent in the then feudal society. In doing this, the GMP leaders faced bitterest wrath of the monarchy. They had to traverse from village to village, from hills to hills with arrest warrant for their head. Being failed to suppress GMP’s mission for social reforms and movement against King’s rule, royal army let loose inhuman barbarism on the common tribal villagers which added fuel to the fire. This bright and glorious history of the GMP movement is denounced by the IPFT, the so called loyalists of the monarchy. Since 1947, the regent administration was replaced by the Congress rule with an instrument of accession agreement. This Congress rule for three decades was also not less repressive and anti-people than the earlier regime. Money-lenders, contractors, corrupt bureaucrats, dishonest traders were in league to grab thousands of acres of tribal lands violating the Reserve Forest Act and the Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act enforced in the state at that time. Partition of Bengal and its Fall Out in Tripura The partition of the country and unabated influx of lakhs of Bengalis from 1947 onwards from erstwhile Pakistan, now Bangladesh, into Tripura created most chaotic problem in the socio-economic condition of the tribal people in the state. Tribal people, who were largely majority in the state, turned minority within a decade. The state government and the central government, both led by the Congress party, did nothing to properly rehabilitate the refugees who on their own settled themselves wherever they found vacant land. Naturally, there was a heavy pressure on the land, large portion of which was either forest reserve or owned by the tribal farmers. Though there was a provision of prohibiting transfer of tribal land to the non-tribals in the Tripura Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960, the then Congress government encouraged the refugees to grab tribal lands violating the Act. This illegal transfer of land was encouraged by the government with a nefarious design to have electoral gain, because the Congress had no base among the tribals. Subsequently, the Congress government amended the Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act in 1974 legalising such transfer up to 31 December 1968. By this amendment, the Congress government allowed large chunk of the tribal land transferred to Bengalis. Tribal Cause and Democratic Movement Tripura Rajya Upajati Ganamukti Parishad took a historic step on 28 August, 1974 towards the gross injustice meted out to the tribals. In a huge convention in Agartala, they adopted a four-point charter of core demands for movement. Those were: The 2nd Amendment of Land Records and Land Reforms Act in 1974 must be annulled; An Autonomous Tribal District Council must be formed with the Tribal dominated Areas of the state; Tribal students must be provided education in mother tongue; and Tribal land alienated to the Bengalis since 1960, must be restored to their tribal owners. CPI(M) and Tripura Rajya Upajati Ganamukti Parishad along with Kisan Sabha, Tribal Youth Federation jointly launched intensified movement throughout the state for accomplishing these four-point demands. The police opened fire on the peaceful procession demanding above four-point demands at Jolaibari where Dhananjoy Tripura, a tribal youth was killed by police firing in 1975. In the same year, a tribal Jhumia women Mohini Tripura was killed by firing by Forest Guards at Hrishyamukh when she was protesting onslaughts of the forest department. Though TUJS, the parent organisation of the present INPT and IPFT, was formed in 1967 with the patronage of the Congress with a view to creating a split in the tribal votes which was predominantly in favour of the Communists, did not join this movement on the plea that this movement should be exclusively with the tribal people and since Bengalis were sharing with this movement they cannot join in this movement. This parochial anti-Bengali approach proved hollow when the people of the state saw them allying with the Congress which was mainly responsible for plight of the tribal masses. Machination against Left Front Government Assuming office in 1978 routing Congress with no representation in the assembly, the Left Front government started earnestly implementing the four-point tribal demands. The Left Front government was initiating formation of TTAADC under 7th Schedule of the Constitution. At that juncture, TUJS pushed the state to turmoil condition calling ‘Bazaar Boycott’ demanding deportation of all Bengalis from the state. The age old amity and harmony between tribals and non-tribals though for a short period, shattered and ultimately it was proved that, the aim of calling ‘Bazaar Boycott’ movement was a conspiracy not for driving out the Bengalis, but uprooting the elected Left Front government. Being failed to achieve its goal, a section of TUJS leaders under Bijoy Kumar Hrngkhwl raised extremist outfit named TNV to unseat the Left Front government by arms to make Tripura ‘independent’. TNV carried on gruesome killings, mass-killings, arsons, collection of ransom and abduction for a decade targeting the Bengali settlers and tribal CPI(M) and GMP leaders. Several hundred CPI(M) leaders, workers and supporters were butchered by this killer force. CPI(M) and GMP undertook an extensive ideological campaign to expose the real facade of TNV and other extremist outfits. A secret deal between Prime Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and TNV Supremo Bijoy Kumar Hrangkhwl was afoot to dislodge the Left Front government before the 1988 Assembly election. According to the deal, within three days just before the poll, no less than 91 people, mostly Bengalis were gruesomely killed and simultaneously Rajiv Gandhi in his election campaign in the state falsely accused Left Front for these mass killings and appealed to the people to vote for Congress for security of the lives and properties of the Bengalis. Even with this hateful Rajiv-Hrakhwl ploy, it was not sufficient to manage majority in the Assembly election. They snatched majority with forcible rigging in the counting halls with the instances of the central ministers stationed in the state. Congress-TUJS Jungle Rule The jungle rule of Congress-TUJS acquired notoriety for its misrule, rampant corruption, strangulating democratic rights, trampling human rights, in attack on the dignity and chastity of the women particularly tribal women in case of Ujan Maidan mass rape case, and patronising goons to suppress democratic movements. All elected Panchayats, Municipalities and Cooperatives, were dissolved arbitrarily never to conduct election again and handed over to the ruling party looters. All developmental works came to a standstill. A famine-like situation broke out in the state. In 1989, when some unfed tribal women gathered before a food godown with alms to get some rice at Damchhara of North Tripura, they were treated with bullets which claimed the lives of three women on the spot. Tripura at Present Carrying forward the legacy of the Janashiksha movement, the Left Front government is implementing multifarious composite programmes for tribals, minorities, OBC communities, etc. In literacy, Tripura stands at top of the country. With two medical colleges, one NIT and engineering colleges in every district, huge opportunities have been extended in the state including the ADC areas for general and vocational education. Boys and girls of even tribal ‘jhumia’ families are able to pursue studies in medical and engineering courses in the state itself. Many educated tribal youths are posted in higher posts of the administration, which was beyond imagination during the Congress rule. In allotment of Patta in FRA, Tripura tops in the country. In the human development parameters like food-intake, dwelling houses, providing health services, supply of drinking water, road communication, construction of bridges, and extension of electricity, Tripura is now an advanced state in the country. In respect of decentralisation of power with empowerment of women, Tripura is now a roll model in the country. Tripura attained national attention in restoration of peace and harmony largely alienating the extremist outfits. Though Left Front opposes the feudal rule of the kings, the Left Front government is very careful to preserve the positive heritage of the King’s regime. Most Dangerous Implication This substantial progress of the state is the eyesore of the forces of vested interest. Having starved of befitting issues to oppose the Left Front government‘s pro-people programme, particularly when election to the TTAADC is scheduled for early next year, IPFT under the leadership of Harinath Debbarma and N C Debbarma have raised this ‘Twipra Land’ demand which is a parochial, divisive approach and a consonance of the ‘Swadhin Tripura’ demand of the secessionist extremist outfits. This is also dangerous plot against ethnic harmony prevalent in the state as well as against the amicable relations among the inter-communities of various tribal clans in the state. Hollow Arguments The IPFT leaders most deceitfully argue that, unless tribals become majority, no tribal can be elected as chief minister and without a tribal chief minister all-round uplift of the tribals is not possible. They don’t admit that Dasaratha Deb was a tribal because he was in favour of tribal-Bengali amity and friendship. He was really an architect in building the harmonious bond of the two ethnic communities. So the only option is to get a tribal chief minister is creation of a separate state with the existing ADC areas! For the sake of argument, if a chief minister must come of tribal community to ensure good to the this community, may we humbly ask the IPFT leaders, why were the tribals of Tripura languishing of feudal exploitation for generations for long 1,300 years under the rule of 184 tribal kings? There are tribal chief ministers in Mizoram, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya, etc in the Northeast Region. Can Harinath Debbarma cite any parameter where the tribals of those state are ahead of those of Tripura? Why are violent clashes going on among various clans and races of tribal communities in those states? Why the tribals of those states still don’t have the right on their own land? Why thirty thousand Reang refugees of Mizoram ruled by a tribal chief minister, had been driven out of their ancestral land and have been leading hard lives in refugee camps for long 18 years in Tripura which is ruled by a Bengali chief minister? What good the tribal chief ministers did for their own community in the newly created states of Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand? And now it is Harinath Debbarma who headed the ADC in two terms staging a mockery of democracy with the help of secessionist extremist outfits. Can he cite any example to meet the aspiration of the tribals of the state except siphoning off the ADC exchequer for the extremists who helped him to manage majority in ADC? In which state, 50 percent of the state budget is allocated for the tribals who contains one third of the total population? It is immaterial which community a chief minister belongs to. Rendering good or bad to the people depends on the policy of the party in majority and the government. IPFT leaders are playing with fire. Separate state with the ADC areas means making already a tiny state Tripura further fragmented. Tripura is a unique example of co-habitation of mixed culture of various different communities of tribals like Tripuris, Mog, Lusai, Chakma, Halam, Garu, Bhil, Khasia, etc. So the ‘Twipra Land’ will create mistrust and turbulence among the tribal communities which may lead to disintegration of the state. The patriotic and peace-loving people aspiring for further development of the state irrespective of caste, religion and culture must come forward to boldly and unitedly protest against this divisive slogan to split the state not only in territorial, but also creating a fissure in mutual trust and amity of people. (EOM)