On June 13, Karnataka’s home minister Priyank Kharge sent a letter to RSS supremo Mohan Bhagwat asking him to reveal its ‘legal status, registration, office bearers, funding, expenditure, taxation and permissions for public activities.’  This drew two bizarre responses. One was from Bhagwat himself, who even while saying that he doesn’t need to respond to the letter, declared that "Hindu Dharma is not registered. Many things are not registered,” and that the government knows that the Sangh exists. He tried to create a misdirection by saying that only those entities need to be registered who want funds from the government. In his mind Bhagwat equates RSS with Hindu society and considers his organisation the sole representative of Hindus. But what has that got to do with revealing its income and expenditure or its legal status, or its organisational functioning?

Later we will go into that in more detail, but let us look at the other strange response, which came from seven times BJP MP from Bijapur, Karnataka, Ramesh Chandappa Jigajinagi. At an event he was asked by reporters about Kharge’s letter, he said, “"Why does a Dalit person need to get involved with the RSS? That is my question, brother. Just stay peaceful and comfortable..." Kharge is a Dalit and so is Jigajinagi. When asked to clarify, Jigajinagi said, “Listen to what I am saying. Because his [Kharge's] father worked hard in the Congress party, they made arrangements for him. He should earn a good name by doing work for the people. Anyone who gets caught up in a feud with the RSS will not survive. Thank you.” Jigajinagi has earlier reportedly criticised the RSS/BJP for having an anti-Dalit stance. Evidently, Jigajinagi was warning Kharge not to take on RSS/BJP because it could have damaging consequences because he was a Dalit. Kharge’s letter has unexpectedly revealed the cracks within RSS/BJP – vouched for by an experienced BJP leader.

Questions about the inner workings of RSS, its funding sources and real objectives are not new. Right from the time of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination people and governments have realised that it is a shadowy, secretive organisation with its para-military drills and marches, its unelected leadership by one person (the sarsanghchalak), usually nominated by the outgoing supremo, and its behind the scenes involvement in a range of Hindu fanatic activities, not stopping short of violence. It was exempted from income tax by a Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT) instructions back in 1978, due to which several IT Tribunal cases, notably in Bombay and Patna, refused to hold RSS liable for income tax claims. The basis for this was the RSS claim that its funds were ‘Guru dakshina’ (offering to the teacher) and excluded due to the principle of mutuality.

But circumstances have changed since those days of its fringe existence. Let’s see how.

APOLITICAL, CULTURAL ORGANISATION?

One of the most abiding and persistently propagated myths about the RSS is that it is an apolitical cultural organisation. Even the Constitution of RSS, adopted at Sardar Patel’s insistence after the ban on RSS following its alleged involvement in Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination, says so. RSS is not directly fighting elections but politics is not just elections – the RSS and its innumerable frontal organisations undertake a range of activities to propagate an ideology that seamlessly invokes political ends and ambitions. It wants to change society and build a Hindu Rashtra presumably governed by Hindu religious texts like the Manusmriti, with all its retrograde ideas. It propagates animosity towards any section that does not follow its narrow, revanchist interpretation of Hindutva, based on Brahminical principles. Specifically, it propagates hostility towards Islam and Christianity, though often couched in oblique language. These and many other such ideas are to be fulfilled through what means? RSS claims that it is through ‘character building’ of people. But RSS has been doing that for a century with not much to show for results. The other unsaid means is through harnessing political power. It first set up the Bhartiya Jan Sangh in 1950 to carry out its work in the political sphere. Then, in 1980, the Jan Sangh was converted into BJP. Besides these overt political tools, it weaponised religion to attain political power, using various fanatic and pseudo-nationalist slogans/issues.

With the coming to power of Modi, a qualitative change occurred in the conditions of work for RSS. Its pracharaks (key full-time functionaries) and committed members came to occupy top posts – Prime Minister himself was a pracharak, and dozens of his cabinet colleagues are members of RSS. The same is true for state governments where handpicked RSS functionaries have become chief ministers and state government ministers in almost all BJP ruled states.

RSS has set up mechanisms for coordination between the government and itself through various samooh’s (groups) like the arthik (economic), shiksha (education), etc. groups. RSS functionaries that are deputed to work in frontal organisations are actively involved in advising, guiding and implementing government policies. In turn, the central and state governments are funding these organisations in their activities. These aspects have been discussed in earlier columns in Peoples Democracy. The RSS claim that it is apolitical is a hoax that has now outlived itself. And, if it is in the public political business then why shouldn’t it be scrutinised for its internal workings, democratic processes, raising and spending enormous amounts of money and indeed whether it is working in consonance with the Constitution of India and the law of the land?

INFILTRATION INTO INSTITUTIONS

A less talked about dimension of the RSS’ activities is its steady and covert penetration of virtually all the institutions of State as well as society. The bar on government employees being members of RSS was removed by the Modi government. So, now a phalanx of government servants has emerged out into the sunlight. But it is not just this section. From judicial officers to university vice chancellors, from captains of industry to armed forces, scores of people have revealed that they have been long time members/supporters of RSS. Many others may not have said as much but their actions and statements put them clearly in that category.

This process has been given impetus during the Modi era with practically every government run institution or other body getting packed with RSS members. Together, they wield unthinkable power and influence in shaping people’s thinking and determining policy. They are contributing to spreading the RSS ideology and strengthening its political power at present.

Organisations run by RSS are running thousands of schools and colleges (including Sainik Schools that train for entry into the Armed Forces). They are running social service outfits that implement government welfare schemes that reach lakhs of people. They control religious trusts that are responsible for running temples and other religious activities, like pilgrimages.

An organisation that is controlling so much must be subject to scrutiny and tested for its accountability and transparency. The ongoing scandal in the Ram temple in Ayodhya where allegedly Rs.200 crore has been embezzled by persons employed in counting the daily offerings of currency and precious metals exemplifies the kind of betrayal of trust that can happen. Incidentally, the Trust that manages the temple is packed with people from the Sangh Parivar. That is why no FIR has been lodged till the time of writing.

PUBLIC VIGILANCE NEEDED

Ultimately, Kharge’s letter may be ignored by the RSS like all other past attempts. The real bulwark against the surreptitious takeover of India by the RSS is people’s vigilance and pressure. The RSS has been described as a ‘deep state’ which is functioning behind the scenes managing the country and its leaders like puppets. It doesn’t yet have the courage to come out in the open to seek a mandate for its medieval ideology and dreams of Hindu Rashtra. It hides behind outfits like the BJP and others biding its time. Unless light is shed on its activities and interconnected organisations, their infiltration in government functioning and in social life, its tentacles will keep on spreading.