Assam today stands at a crucial political juncture. After nearly a decade of BJP rule, discontent is visible across the state. Prices of essential commodities are rising, unemployment among the youth remains very high and farmers, workers and small traders are facing growing economic distress. Instead of addressing these basic problems, the BJP-led government has increasingly relied on divisive politics and communal polarisation along with authoritarian rule to strengthen its political base.

The politics of hate and polarisation has become a defining feature of the present dispensation. Repeated inflammatory statements and attempts to pit communities against each other have vitiated the social atmosphere of the state. Significantly, on February 26, the Gauhati High Court issued notice to Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, directing the state government to respond to petitions challenging his alleged hate speeches targeting Muslims of East Bengal origin, branded as 'Miyas'. The batch of petitions was filed by the Assam State Committees of the CPI(M) and the CPI, and separately by eminent intellectual Dr. Hiren Gohain along with two other petitioners. The development has raised serious concerns about the growing communalisation of political discourse in Assam.

Evictions and Land Grab

Equally disturbing has been the series of eviction drives carried out in different parts of the state without proper rehabilitation. In several areas, Muslims of East Bengal origin and local inhabitants have borne the brunt of these actions. These poor and marginalized sections of the people have been losing land, homes and livelihoods. At the same time, the BJP government has pushed pro-corporate economic policies. Large tracts of land, reportedly running into nearly fifty thousand bighas, have been handed over to corporate groups such as Adani, Ambani and Ramdev-linked enterprises in the name of development, often after evicting landless 'Miyas' and 'indigenous' communities.

The government’s much-publicised development model has also come at a heavy environmental cost. According to information obtained through an RTI query, 1,06,896 mature trees have been felled across Assam since May 2016, when the BJP first came to power. The pace of destruction has increased sharply in recent years. More than 65,000 trees were cut between 2021 and 2025 during the tenure of Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, compared to about 18,000 during the earlier government led by Sarbananda Sonowal.

Special Revision of Electoral Rolls

Questions are also being raised about the integrity of the electoral process. The Special Revision (SR) of electoral rolls undertaken by the Election Commission covered around 2.52 crore electors in Assam. The final roll published in February 2026 recorded about 2.49 crore voters, indicating the deletion of roughly 2.4 lakh names during the process. While electoral roll revision is a routine exercise, in a state with a long and sensitive history of citizenship controversies, such large-scale verification inevitably raises anxiety among genuine ordinary voters. These concerns are further reinforced by the controversial delimitation of Assembly and Parliamentary constituencies carried out by the Election Commission in 2023, which many political parties and observers believe disproportionately favoured the ruling BJP. The exercise was widely criticised for ignoring objections raised by opposition parties and civil society organisations in Assam. Electoral processes must strengthen democracy, not become instruments that help the ruling party tilt the political field in its favour.

Meanwhile, the ruling party has expanded populist schemes ahead of the elections. The Orunodoi Scheme-3.0 was extended to nearly 40 lakh beneficiaries and disbursed Rs. 3,800 crore on March 10, shortly before the election announcement. Welfare and relief measures are necessary. However, the timing and manner of such expansion raise legitimate concerns about their use as electoral inducements, especially when the debt burden of the Assam government continues to rise alarmingly. 

Tensions Within NDA

Tensions are also visible within the ruling alliance. The leadership of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) has repeatedly compromised the party’s regional commitments by surrendering to the BJP in order to remain in power. As a result, the BJP has been steadily eroding the organisational base of the regional party. The BJP has followed a similar pattern elsewhere, weakening regional allies such as the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra, the Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab and even parties in the Northeast like the Naga People’s Front. The BJP has repeatedly used alliances as a stepping stone to expand at the cost of its partners. With the BJP conceding only a limited number of seats to the AGP this time, resentment is reportedly growing among sections of its rank and file. In the BTAD region, meanwhile, sharp rivalry between the BPF and the UPPL, both still aligned with the BJP-led NDA, has also complicated seat-sharing negotiations within the alliance. 

Recent political developments have also raised certain questions about the widely discussed 'unholy understanding' between the ruling alliance and the AIUDF. In the recently held elections to the Rajya Sabha from Assam, all three candidates of the ruling NDA alliance were declared elected unopposed to the Upper House. The newly elected members are Jogen Mohan and Terash Gowalla of the BJP and Pramod Boro of the UPPL.  The Congress-led opposition chose not to field any candidate. The episode triggered allegations of a “secret pact” between the BJP-led NDA and the AIUDF, after three AIUDF MLAs signed nomination papers supporting the NDA nominee Pramod Boro for the third seat.

At the same time, the AIUDF led by Badruddin Ajmal has released its first list of nine candidates for the forthcoming Assembly elections on March 10 and is expected to contest around 25 of the 126 seats in the Assam Assembly. Having been sidelined and rejected by the Congress-led platform of the secular parties, the party now appears to be preparing to contest independently. It's reported 'hobnobbing' with the BJP is yet to be observed closely. 

Opposition Platform

On the other hand, efforts are underway to build a broader opposition platform. Seat sharing discussions are almost finalised between the Congress, the CPI(M), regional parties like Asom Jatiya Parishad led by Lurin Jyoti Gogoi and All Party Hill Leaders Conference led by Jones Ingti Kathar. According to the understanding reached so far, the Congress has agreed to allot nine seats to the AJP, two to the APHLC, and two  (No. 21-Bhawanipur-Sorbhog LAC and No. 44-Goreswar LAC) seats to the CPI(M). However, the formal announcement of the alliance is awaited as efforts continue to broaden the unity further. 

According to the reports, the Congress has agreed to concede 13 seats to the Raijor Dal including friendly contests in four seats. However, differences between the Congress and the Akhil Gogoi-led Raijor Dal have created some obstacles, but discussions are continuing in the larger interest of defeating the BJP and their allies. The CPI(M) has consistently appealed to all concerned to build the broadest possible unity by including the Raijor Dal and other Left and secular Parties. The CPI(M) has also been seeking consideration for a third seat (No.20-Bijni LAC) for the Party.

Yatra Mobilisations

Political mobilisation across the state has intensified. The Congress has launched the 'March for Change' (Parivartan Yatra), while the BJP is organising the 'People’s Blessing Campaign' (Jana Ashirvad Yatra). In several places Congress programmes have reportedly faced obstruction from BJP supporters with the tacit support of sections of the administration. The Congress-led combination, including the CPI(M) and other secular parties, has planned for joint mobilisations at different parts of the state and against the misrule of the BJP-led government in Assam.

At Nalbari on March 9, police detained Congress leaders including prospective MLA candidate Ashok Sarma, APCC Secretary Dibyajyoti Haloi and 10 other activists when they protested against attacks on Congress workers by BJP supporters. Later one district Congress leader was arrested. Such incidents strengthen the perception that the ruling party is trying to create an atmosphere of fear by using official machinery and police power ahead of the elections.

At the same time, BJP programmes have also faced public resistance. In several places the 'Jana Ashirvad Yatra' encountered protests demanding justice in the cultural celebrity Zubeen Garg 'murder case', reflecting growing anger among the people. Many believe that the government has been reluctant to act firmly against those responsible for the death of Zubeen Garg under mysterious circumstances and instead, it is trying to shield the accused. Earlier, the Chief Minister himself stated in the floor of the Assam Assembly that Zubeen was 'murdered'. 

Frequent visits of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah to Assam have also marked the run-up to the elections. These visits are accompanied by hurried inaugurations of projects and tall claims of development. However, many people view these announcements with scepticism and question whether they address the real problems faced by the people.

Taken together, these developments show the increasingly authoritarian character of the present dispensation. Misuse of state machinery, attempts to silence dissent, communal polarisation and pro-corporate policies pose a serious threat to democratic institutions and social harmony in Assam.

At this crucial moment, the broadest unity of secular, democratic and progressive forces is essential. The struggle in Assam is not merely an electoral contest. It is part of the wider battle across India against communal-corporate nexus and authoritarian rule. Only a united opposition, rooted in the aspirations of the people, can defeat the divisive agenda of the BJP and open the path for a democratic and pro-people alternative in Assam.