BANGLADESH is in a state of unrest. It burns with hatred. One horrifying incident after another is being manufactured by violent, ultra-fundamentalist, fanatic extremism. Anti-India rhetoric is escalating at an alarming pace and anti-India slogans are being raised across Bangladesh. 

In Mymensingh, a young garment worker, Dipu Das was brutally tortured and killed by a mob for allegedly making derogatory remarks against Islam. His body was then hung from a tree and set on fire – all this unfolded in full public view, amid a barbarian celebratory ambience. Now it is becoming clear that many factors converged leading to this barbarism- the irresponsibility of the corporate owner and its capitulation before the fundamentalist mob, the vulnerability of the religious minority and so on and so forth. Overall, the fanatic anarchy is degenerating to organised mob violence. The offices of media outlets Prothom Alo and another daily, The Daily Star – two of the country’s most distinguished newspapers – were vandalised and set on fire. The journalists faced a life-threatening situation. Both newspapers had taken strong positions supporting last year's July movement, yet they were left unprotected. History shows us that extremism spares no friend. Today's allies may be tomorrow’s victims. At midnight, Nurul Kabir, editor of New Age and the President of the Editors’ Council, was assaulted. A journalist was shot dead in Khulna. He was the President of the Khulna Press Club.

CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS ATTACKED

Even the national poet was not spared. Chhayanaut, the historically renowned cultural institution linked with the memories of Rabindranath Tagore and Kazi Nazrul Islam, was set ablaze. Chhayanaut is also the title of one of Nazrul’s famous poetry collections– ‘Chhaya’ (shadow) and ‘nat’ (from natya the performing arts). During Pakistan’s rule, Tagore’s work was officially disregarded and banned, especially under Ayub Khan. In 1961, defying the Pakistani regime’s threats, Tagore’s birth centenary was celebrated, and Chhayanaut was born from that very moment. It is not merely a cultural institution of Bangladesh; it carries Bengali cultural heritage and stands as a symbol of identity for Bengalis – a living reminder of their shared history and resilience. Since its inception, it has never been silenced. It has carried the melodies of Tagore-Nazrul, Baul-Bhatiyali across Bengal’s soil. Chhayanaut’s New Year festival now bears UNESCO recognition – yet even such a revered institution could not escape the thugs. Pictures and books of Rabindranath Tagore were burned, and much of the equipment was destroyed. Frenzied mobs smashed harmoniums, stormed every room of the seven-story building, and shattered chairs, tables, benches – whatever they could find. Then they set fire to it all; even Lalon’s portraits were torn apart. The cultural organization Udichi was also attacked. Eight years after Chhayanaut’s founding, revolutionary writer Satyen Sen and Ranesh Dasgupta spearheaded the formation of Udichi Shilpi Gosthi. After its founding, workers and activists imbued with socialist principles ignited a storm of Bengali mass songs across villages, fields, and riverbanks. During the Liberation War, artists from Chhayanaut and Udichi acted as voice-fighters, using their voices as weapons. Even after independence, those artists were subjected to repeated attacks by fundamentalist forces. In 1999, at a Baul-song concert by Udichi in Jessore Town Hall, a bomb explosion by fundamentalists killed ten people, including cultural activists and audience members. In 2001, during Chhayanaut’s New-Year celebration at Ramna Batamul, an extremist bombing claimed ten lives of cultural workers and audience. Yet their resolve and morale never wavered. The flames of hatred devoured the seven-year-old daughter of a BNP leader. The leader and his two daughters are currently receiving hospital treatment.

For the first time in 27 years since its establishment, Prothom Alo – Bangladesh’s most widely circulated newspaper, did not see the light of dawn on December 19. Its online edition was also shut down. Darkness fell at the office in Dhaka’s Karwan Bazar after the nighttime rampage. Outside the city, the newspaper’s offices in Kushtia, Khulna, and Sylhet were attacked and vandalised, and several attempts were made to storm the offices in Chittagong, Bogura and Barisal. For the first time in its 33-year history, The Daily Star also could not be published, and its online edition was shut down for an extended period.

When the news of the death of Osman Hadi, Convener of Inqilab Mancha, a key group in the July movement, reached Dhaka on December 18, tensions flared. Right-wing Islamist fanatics, online activists, and pro-Pakistan elements started inciting and mobilising mobs. The attacks were clearly pre-planned, as evidenced by Mostafizur Rahman, general secretary of Jamaat’s student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir, declaring during the night of rampage at Jahangirnagar University: “We must destroy the Left, Shahbagi, Chhayanaut, and Udichi”.

Political violence in Bangladesh is nothing new. The nation has not forgotten the tumultuous July-August unrest of last year, which culminated in the fall of the autocratic Hasina regime. An interim administration, led by Muhammad Yunus, took charge amid hopes that peace, stability and assured security would follow, paving the way for a free, fair and impartial election in a fear-free environment. Instead, a disturbing culture of hatred has taken hold. Fundamentalist elements have orchestrated attacks on Sufi shrines and Baul gatherings; graves have been desecrated, corpses dragged and burnt in public view; attempts have been made to suspend girls’ football matches; and cultural spaces have been constricted across the country. A hard-line segment of society now styles itself as the mainstream, envisioning a Bangladesh stripped of pluralism and dissenting thought. The government has repeatedly labelled these groups as mere 'pressure groups'- a description that understates the gravity of the threat.

FUNDAMENTALIST THREAT

National elections are slated for February in Bangladesh, yet the prevailing mood is far from reassuring. The country is undergoing rapid transformation, and with fundamentalist backing and inflammatory rhetoric from leaders, a virulent anti-India sentiment is swelling in what has been a traditionally friendly nation. The spirit of the Liberation War is being eroded, and the culture based on the Bengali language is being sidelined. There are overt attempts to forge an Islamic state – to reconstruct Bangladeshi identity into a ‘Bengali Pakistan’.

In the past two months alone, five delegations from Pakistan’s army have arrived on specific missions, and Hafiz Saeed’s close associate has been making the rounds. Jamaat now believes, for the first time, that it could seize state power, though purportedly its own vote share remained a modest 8-10 per cent – even during the Pakistan era. In Dhaka University elections, Islami Chhatra Shibir has failed to win a seat. Consequently, doubts linger about the feasibility of an impartial election, a concern that is only natural.

A survey conducted by Dhaka University last September revealed that nearly 400,000 illegal weapons are currently circulating in Bangladesh. Amid pervasive lawlessness, doubts linger over whether free and fair elections in February 2026 are feasible. The same report notes that between August and September this year, 281 people were killed and 7,689 injured in political violence.

One cornerstone of democratic elections – press freedom – is under severe strain. 1,126 journalists were arrested, faced legal cases, or suffered attacks during the same period. A report by Sweden’s Fojo Media Institute on December 7, found that 89 per cent of journalists fear assaults during the February 26 election, a fear heightened by the recent arson of two newspaper offices. With institutional control waning, Bangladesh’s situation is deteriorating.

The surge of religious fundamentalism is inflicting a grave, cross-border toll, scorching not only Bangladesh, but also neighbouring India. Communal forces on both sides of the border feed off one another, fuelling an atmosphere of hatred, hostility, and deepening division. The interim government must act decisively, clamp down on these extremist elements and bring every perpetrator of violence to swift justice.

PEOPLE RESOLVE TO FIGHT BACK

At the same time, if Bangladesh truly wishes to return to the path of democracy, elections are the only viable route. Should the agitators, their armed followers, and political patrons succeed in blocking or delaying the polls, the nation will plunge into chaos whose consequences are hard to fathom. When a mob – a frenzied crowd – dictates who may write, sing or publish, the very notion of a functioning State collapses.

Responsibility now lies not only with the government, but also with those who still cherish the dream of a pluralist and inclusive Bangladesh. Citizens must rise in resistance, unequivocally declaring their demand for a diversity of parties and differences of opinion, for robust dissent, for press freedom, and for security of journalists, artists, cultural activists, and their institutions and platforms. At a minimum, the state must conduct a thorough investigation, identify individuals captured on video, and bring them before the courts.

Bangladesh now stands up in resistance. From the ashes, Prothom Alo and The Daily Star have re-emerged, their copies reaching the readers once again. On 20 December , the Daily Star ran a banner headline: UNBOWED! declaring, we will not bow our heads. Its front-page editorial, bold and courageous, read ‘A DARK DAY FOR INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM’, followed by a pledge: ‘They can burn our office, but they cannot burn our resolve.’ Across Dhaka’s streets, rallies and meetings echo a fierce message: we will resist with every ounce of strength for Bangladesh. The chants at the rally— ‘Prepare bamboo sticks / Give fundamentalism a beating’— underscore the collective determination to push back against extremism.

Long ago, poet Shamsur Rahman warned, Krishnapaksha korechhe gherao amader (The dark fortnight has engulfed us) and pleaded, Kobe shesh hobe krishnapaksha! (When will the dark fortnight be over) – a call that still rings true today. Equally resonant are poet Nazim Hikmet’s words: If I don’t burn/ If you don’t burn/ If we don’t burn/ How will the light/ Vanquish the darkness?