‘NOT blood: But Sindoor Flows Through My Veins’ – these exact words by Prime Minister Modi defined his signature style in launching the post-Sindoor campaign blitzkrieg. What else could he or his government have done in response to the grave challenges the country was faced with. Transparency and introspection have never been the forte for this government.
The Modi government’s foreign policy strategy has relied heavily on projecting the prime minister as the central figure, in an apparent attempt to cultivate a personality cult than pursuing coherent diplomacy. Positioning the prime minister’s persona as the spearhead of foreign policy has turned conventional diplomatic wisdom on its head, and has marked a clear break from established diplomatic conventions.
Historically, India's foreign policy has been rooted in its domestic foundations: the resilience of its vibrant parliamentary democracy, secularism, federalism-driven unity in diversity, and a commitment to social and economic justice. These principles formed the bedrock that elevated India’s standing in the comity of nations. Unity in diversity, based on the equal citizenship of a pluralistic population, has been a defining hallmark of the Indian Republic.
Tragically, this legacy is now being undermined. Image-centric, individual-driven diplomacy is being positioned as a substitute for systematic and principled foreign policy. But this approach is untenable – especially for a country like India, whose global stature has been built over decades, grounded in the anti-colonial national independence movement and its evolution into a secular, democratic republic. It is part of the ideological DNA of the Hindutva forces and the RSS to distance themselves from this legacy.
In the wake of the Pahalgam killings, the government was finally forced to concede, during an all-party meeting, that there had been a "security lapse." But this admission came too little, too late. Even now, the government has failed to clearly elaborate on the nature and scope of that lapse.
Chief of Defence Staff Anil Chauhan acknowledged the loss of aircraft during the four-day confrontation, speaking on the sidelines of a security dialogue in Singapore. However, he provided no further details. Such inadequate explanations fail to convey the full extent of the failure.
The 11-year record of the Modi government – especially the abrogation of Article 370 – cannot be ignored considering the current crisis. The scrapping of Article 370, and the dismissal of historical facts underpinning the Instrument of Accession, has undermined the legacy of Jammu and Kashmir’s integration into the Indian Union. More gravely, it has erased the crucial role played by the people of Jammu and Kashmir – particularly in the Valley – in resisting cross-border terrorism.
This has become starkly clear in the aftermath of Pahalgam. As people across the Valley took to the streets in protest against the killings, this powerful show of public unity which is a very positive development, was neither acknowledged nor appreciated by the government. Instead, efforts were made to implicate the Kashmiri people themselves in the attack – revealing the government’s real intention and true ideological orientation. The bipartisan approach of governments which upheld the democratic and secular principles enshrined in the Constitution, has now been replaced by a deeply polarising one.
The fight against terrorism cannot be confined to military confrontation alone. A genuine desire for peace must be reflected in clarity of purpose and actions that strengthen national unity. Foreign policy and diplomacy are not isolated endeavours; they are extensions of domestic policies. The developments over the past 11 years – characterised by rising communal polarisation and the erosion of democratic and minority rights – cannot be overlooked, especially in today’s interconnected, information-driven global landscape.
A fact-finding report by a civil rights group documented 184 anti-Muslim hate crimes following the Pahalgam attacks, targeting Muslims broadly and Kashmiris specifically. These incidents continued unabated.
India’s case on the international stage has been further weakened by the lack of thorough documentation regarding the Pahalgam killings and the broader operational plans of state-sponsored terror groups across the border. While the domestic population may be convinced of Pakistan’s intentions, convincing international opinion requires far more evidentiary rigour and transparency.
A rare moment of clarity came from former Army Chief General Manoj Naravane, who remarked, “War is not romantic. It is not your Bollywood movie. It is very serious business... Although war may be forced upon us by unwise people, we should not cheer for it.” He stressed the need for preparedness, while emphasizing that peaceful negotiations must remain the preferred path.
As part of a diplomatic outreach effort, 59 Members of Parliament from various parties were sent to 32 countries to engage with foreign parliamentarians, academics, think tanks, and media representatives to communicate the Indian government’s position on the Pahalgam incident. Yet, notably, none of these countries were from India’s immediate neighbourhood. This diplomatic effort stood in stark contrast to the prime minister’s domestic rhetoric, including his claim that “sindoor, not blood, runs through his veins” and declarations that anti-terror operations were among the government's greatest achievements.
But how far has such a delayed diplomatic outreach succeeded has become evident from Pakistan’s securing a $1 billion loan from the IMF and $40 million in aid from the World Bank – without opposition. Apart from Israel and the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan, no other country has supported India’s stance. Denial of this reality helps no one.
Further compounding the situation was the sudden announcement to abandon the decades-old Indus Water Treaty. The globally accepted principle of transboundary river sharing acknowledges the rights of both upper and lower riparian states. A unilateral withdrawal from a mutually agreed treaty is unlikely to gain support from the international community. Practically, India lacks the reservoir capacity to halt the river’s flow, and the government has not resumed the publication of hydrological data. This implies that in the event of floods or droughts, Pakistani farmers and common people will suffer the most.
The fight against terrorism is against terrorists – not against people, whether in India or Pakistan. Terrorists must be isolated. A fight against whole communities will never yield positive outcomes. Therefore, tactical responses cannot substitute for a comprehensive and principled strategy.
It is precisely for this reason that opposition parties have demanded a special session of Parliament to discuss all aspects of the current crisis. Sixteen parties have already written jointly to the government, calling for such a session – an ideal platform to clear the air. Patchwork solutions cannot address the challenges we currently face.
Even now, thousands of cutouts and banners portraying Prime Minister Modi as a wartime leader continue to appear across the country. We had raised concerns about this politicisation of the conflict in our communication with the Election Commission of India. A domestic campaign driven by electoral considerations risks backfiring on the international stage, where it may be perceived as warmongering by the Indian government.
The mystery surrounding US President Donald Trump’s intervention, which amounts to third-party mediation, must also be addressed by the government. This stands in stark contradiction to India's long-standing consensus on opposing external mediation in bilateral matters.
A serious effort must now begin in earnest – by convening a special session of Parliament, restoring full statehood to Jammu and Kashmir, and reviving democratic and secular principles in everyday governance. That is the only meaningful path to address the current challenges effectively.
(June 4, 2025)
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