ANY insurgent group, even one with a secessionist agenda, cannot be completely defeated through military means alone; a peace agreement between the state and the leadership of the insurgent outfit is essential. In this regard, the tripartite Peace Accord signed on September 4, 2024, between the ministry of home affairs, the government of Tripura, and the leaders of the NLFT-ATTF is a significant step forward. This agreement is welcomed by all segments of Tripura's population, which has endured immense destruction and loss of life due to extremism over the past three decades.

According to the agreement signed on September 24, 2024, 584 members of both insurgent outfits surrendered their arms at the TSR 7th Battalion Headquarters in Jampaijala Sub-Division, Sepahijala district, in the presence of the chief minister. The surrendered weapons included 9 AK rifles, 1 revolver, 13 pistols, 8 factory-made guns, and 7 landmines. Additionally, to exaggerate the size of their arsenal, they displayed 89 country-made junk guns, traditionally crafted by local communities for hunting wildlife.

Since 2009-2010, Tripura has largely experienced a reduction in extremist attacks, thanks to the multi-faceted anti-insurgency measures implemented by the then Left Front Government. These measures included developmental programs in tribal areas on par with those in the plains, construction of barbed wire fencing along the international border with Bangladesh, strengthening the vigilance network against insurgent outfits, increasing police pressure through newly appointed Special Police Officers (SPOs), and engaging parents and relatives of insurgent members in motivational efforts.

These strategies proved effective, leading to a significant number of cadres from both outfits fleeing their camps in Bangladesh and reintegrating into normal life in response to the government's peace appeals. As a result, both outfits began to diminish significantly, and from 2009-2010 onward, there were very few incidents of extremist violence. In recognition of this remarkable success without bloodshed, the central government awarded the “President’s Colors” to the Tripura police in 2012.

Sources familiar with the origins, strength, operations, and movements of various insurgent outfits in Tripura report that the NLFT, while maintaining some cadres in a Bangladesh base camp, is experiencing a serious shortage of arms. In contrast, the ATTF possesses some weapons but lacks the manpower to utilise them effectively.

In a notable incident, NLFT insurgents raided an ATTF base camp in Bangladesh and looted a substantial number of arms. Following this, ATTF chief Ranjit Debbarma was arrested in Dhaka, Bangladesh, in 2012 and subsequently handed over to Indian authorities by the Bangladeshi police. These developments significantly dampened the morale of the insurgent cadres.

In 2017, the then Left Front government received signals of intent to surrender from both insurgent outfits. They presented three conditions: 1) the involvement of the central government in the agreement, 2) assurance of safe passage for interactions, and 3) that the surrender of arms take place in a disturbed area. In response, the Left Front government stated that while the first two conditions were acceptable, the third could not be met since the disturbed area ordinance had been lifted in 2015. They also indicated that most cases against the insurgents, except those involving women, would be considered for withdrawal. Furthermore, they assured the insurgents of a more favorable rehabilitation package than what was generally offered at the time. These developments and the insurgents' intentions were communicated to the central government, which promptly dispatched an officer to advance the negotiations to a final stage.

While the negotiation process was progressing positively in 2017, the ministry of home affairs all of sudden withdrew the officer who had been assigned to Tripura after just three months and did not send any replacement to continue the negotiations. Since then, the central government has shown little interest in the surrender of extremists in Tripura and failed to communicate with the state about why this initiative was abandoned.

The reason for the central government's abandonment of the surrender deal became evident before the 2018 assembly elections, when the people of Tripura saw the direct involvement of extremist outfits with followers of the IPFT, a BJP election ally. This involvement was marked by blockades of national highways, ongoing strikes on the Gandachara-bound road, disruptions in Mandainagar, the murder of journalists, and attempts to create chaos in the state leading up to the elections.

In light of these developments, the people of Tripura began raising some pressing questions. Why did the central government abandon the surrender negotiations that could have been finalised five years ago? While both extremist outfits were on the verge of collapse and ready to surrender with only a few arms, where did so many new members come from? Where did these individuals stay, and what did they do during the last five years? If this is the true strength of the outfits, did they retain some arms to potentially reorganise in the future? Furthermore, why have some members of the IPFT and others who had previously surrendered now reappeared among those surrendering this time? The peace-loving, democratic people of Tripura are left waiting for clarifications on these valid concerns.