Tripura: A Deceptive Accord to Hoodwink Tribals
Haripada Das
or reload the browser
YET another deceptive tripartite agreement has been signed concerning tribal development in Tripura. The Government of India, the Government of Tripura, and the Tripura Indigenous People Regional Alliance (TIPRA), commonly known as Tipra Motha, have signed this agreement. Tipra Motha emerged in 2021 to create division in the democratic unity of tribals and non-tribals in Tripura, exploiting identity issues among tribals and leveraging the innocent loyalty of the common tribal masses towards the state's royal family.
The accord was signed at the ministry of home affairs office in New Delhi on March 2, 2024. The signatories included Pradyot Kishore Debbarman, the last scion of the Tripura royal family; Bijoy Kumar Hrangkhwl, general secretary of Tipra Motha; and Animesh Debbarma, the leader of opposition representing Tipra Motha. Pijush Goel, additional secretary (NR) of the ministry of home affairs, represented the central government, and J K Sinha, chief secretary, represented the government of Tripura. The signing took place in the presence of union home minister Amit Shah, Tripura chief minister Manik Saha, and other officials.
The operative part of the agreement says “Government of India, Government of Tripura and TIPRA agreed to amicably resolve all issues of the indigenous people of Tripura relating to history, land rights, political rights, economic development, identity, culture, language etc.
It is agreed to constitute a Joint Working Group/Committee to work out and implement the mutually agreed points on all the above mentioned issues in a time bound manner to ensure an honorable solution. In order to maintain a conducive atmosphere for implementation of this Agreement all stakeholders shall refrain from resorting to any form of agitation/protest during this period starting from the day of signing.”
Rather than a focused, issue-specific agreement, Tipra Motha chief Pradyot Kishore Debbarman is portraying this ambiguous agreement as a significant victory in their struggle for the socio-economic upliftment and political rights of the tribal people in the state. Certainly, all sections of people would have welcomed the deal if it had been formulated to address the specific issues faced by the tribals. And they have doubts about the sincerity of the ruling BJP in implementing the agreement.
Firstly, the current crisis confronting the tribal masses in Tripura extends beyond identity, encompassing political, and socio-economic issues. Like the common people of the country, they grapple with issues such as price hikes, food and work scarcity, unemployment, housing, lack of safe drinking water, and inadequate education and healthcare services. In the past year, three tribal mothers resorted to selling their newborn babies, fearing their inability to provide proper care. Surprisingly, Tipra Motha has shown no concern for these pressing issues.
Secondly, Pradyot Kishore Debbarman, founded Tipra Motha in 2021 solely based on tribal identity issues, exploiting the innocent emotional loyalty of tribal masses towards the royal family. He initially rallied tribal youth around the idea of creating a separate 'Greater Tipra Land,' expanding its territorial boundaries to include parts of Assam, Mizoram, and even a portion of Bangladesh. Realising the impracticality of his ambitious demands and the mistake of raising tribal aspirations with such unrealistic goals, he later softened his stance to a 'constitutional solution' without substantiating his demand in a specific manner. At one point, he threatened the government, declaring that nothing less than a constitutional solution would be acceptable.
During the 2023 assembly elections, although Tipra Motha contested independently and secured 13 tribal reserved seats, it played a deceitful role by fielding candidates in 23 unreserved seats, ultimately aiding the BJP in winning most of those due to the split of the anti-BJP vote. Essentially, Tipra Motha's assistance allowed the BJP to stay in power with slim majority. A significant portion of tribal youth, disillusioned with Debbarman's ambiguous role, became utterly frustrated. Some of them began joining other parties, primarily the BJP.
Pradyot Debbarman engaged in frequent discussions with the union home ministry and Himanta Biswa Sharma, the chief minister of Assam. The BJP openly invited Tipra Motha to join the government while simultaneously strangulating the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTADC) financially, which is currently run by Tipra Motha. The TTADC, initially established to ensure self-determination of tribals for socio-economic upliftment, lost its purpose under Tipra Motha's control. The crisis-ridden people of the hills in Tripura now hardly feel the existence or purposefulness of the TTADC. Ironically, Tipra Motha has not protested against this injustice and deprivation to the tribal people. In such a juncture, faced with criticism within the party and externally, Pradyot Kishore Debbarman undertook this move to save himself from his political destiny.
Thus, with a tacit understanding with the centre, Tipra Motha chief had planned a sit-in hunger strike at a point on the National Highway at the foothills of Baramura starting from March 1, 2024. Notably, on the very day Debbarman was scheduled to begin his hunger strike, he received a call from the union home ministry to engage in a negotiation, and the deal was signed the next day. This agreement between Tipra Motha and the centre was executed so hastily that any political observer could easily recognise it as a mutual effort by both parties to escape an awkward and compelling situation on the eve of the Lok Sabha election.
Thirdly, a similar agreement was reached with IPFT (Indigenous People’s Front of Tripura), which has been an alliance partner with the BJP since 2018. According to the deal, a high-level modality committee was constituted by the central government, tasked with suggesting recommendations for a suitable package for the overall development of indigenous people in Tripura, including the empowerment of TTADC based on a 7-point terms of reference. The committee visited Tripura and met only selected stakeholders of their choice. However, as of now, the people of Tripura remain uninformed about whether this committee has made any recommendations to the government and, if so, what those recommendations entail.
Fourthly, in pages 23-24 under the caption 'Welfare of Indigenous People' of their election manifesto titled 'Vision Document' during the 2018 assembly election, the BJP made 10-point pledges for the development of indigenous people. These assurances included 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas,' 'socio-economic, linguistic, and cultural development of the indigenous people of Tripura,' 'promoting Kokborok language in schools, filling up of backlog ST reserved vacancies,' etc. Under the caption 'TTAADC Area' of the same manifesto, the BJP promised five-point pledges, which included 'strengthening TTAADC with adequate funds and power,' 'ensuring basic needs like food, drinking water, housing, healthcare for all under TTAADC area,' 'establishment of 100 model villages inside ADC area,' and 'connecting all major villages by all-weather roads.'
During the six years of the BJP-IPFT regime, none of the promises mentioned above has been realised. Instead, both the state and central governments have adopted a step-motherly attitude towards the TTAADC with complete non-cooperation. Rather than initiating pro-people projects, the TTAADC has struggled to pay salaries to its employees on time, causing financial hardship. The financial crisis of TTAADC has been exacerbated by the extravagant and luxurious expenditures of the executive members of the ADC Council, which is run by Tipra Motha.
Fifthly, the 125th Constitution Amendment bill has been pending for passage in the parliament for about eight years. This amendment was proposed with the aim of achieving financial self-reliance for the tribal autonomous councils in the north eastern region and promoting more effective socio-economic upliftment of the tribal people. If the BJP had been genuinely committed to the essence of this amendment, the bill would have been passed much earlier. The continued delay in passing this amendment itself reveals the BJP's outright neglect of issues related to socio-economic upliftment and respect for the self-determination of tribals in general.
Lastly, the tribal population in India comprises more than 11 crores (8.6 per cent). In many states like Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, etc, tribals have been living in vast compact areas for generations, leading primitive lives. However, except in the north eastern region, there is no autonomous elected body anywhere allowing them to determine their destiny by themselves. While the BJP-led central government expresses concern for the plight of tribals in the north eastern states, it has never recognised the necessity of the right to self-determination for tribals in other states, many of which are governed by the BJP itself.
The CPI(M) state secretariat, in a statement, alleges that this accord is nothing but an exposure of the covert alliance between Tipra Motha and the BJP, which has been sustained since the assembly election in 2023. Both the BJP and Tipra Motha have signed this accord as a means to deceive the tribal people on the eve of the upcoming Lok Sabha election. The state secretariat appeals to the people in general and the followers of Tipra Motha not to fall prey to this deceptive deal.
or reload the browser
or reload the browser
