WITH the West Bengal assembly elections approaching, the Left parties, particularly the CPI(M), are facing intense media scrutiny, prompting numerous questions about their current political position. Interestingly, those who once dismissed the CPI(M) as irrelevant are now faced with its visible presence. Unable to ignore the party's activities, they are attempting to mislead the public by raising contentious issues. It is therefore crucial to address some of these concerns directly. One key question is: What is the CPI(M)'s official position on the Special Investigation Report (SIR) in West Bengal? Specifically, did the CPI(M) offer open support for the SIR merely out of blind opposition to the Trinamool Congress? Is this accusation accurate?

FLAWED SIR

Certainly not. A blatant lie. Our party stated from day one that the Election Commission is engaging in a perilous pursuit with its new fixation on "SIR". They are weaponiing citizenship to keep people on edge. Let’s be clear: the Election Commission possesses zero authority to determine citizenship; should any doubts arise, they ought to consult the Ministry of Home Affairs rather than harassing 7.6 million voters. While the narrative of "infiltrators" has been shouted from the rooftops, the actual numbers tell a different story: in Bihar, 130 million people were forced to stand in lines over just 390 suspects—a figure the EC didn't even bother to challenge in court—and in Bengal, not a single one has been found, yet millions are still being forced to scramble for old land deeds to prove their existence. A migrant worker who works in another state is forced to spend thousands of rupees to come here and is being called for a second hearing, creating panic on the eve of the election.

And honestly, think about what it means to search for 'foreigners' in India? From Harappa to today, India is a melting pot. We are a blend of cultures. You can't delete a citizen just to fuel a political narrative. Academically speaking, only the Adivasi population is perfectly indigenous and none else. To call people "outsiders"/” foreigners” on the basis of religion is to ignore history.

Another point warrants attention. A cleverly disguised “dual-benefit scam” is operating, where the poor face endless hearings while an unspoken TMC-BJP alliance protects "fake voters" in key areas, reducing the "Constitutional Body" to a "Political Tool." For instance, while other constituencies saw 25,000–30,000 names dropped from the draft roll, the Chief Minister's nephew’s Lok Sabha area saw only 13,000 to 17,000 names dropped in the Falta and Diamond Harbour Assembly constituencies. This suggests a pact to allow deceased and fake voters to remain, preventing actual citizens from voting, with the Election Commission taking no action. In Falta, the Trinamool monopolized form submission, preventing opposition BLA presence and arbitrarily altering lists, resulting in a travesty of democracy.

We have said from the very beginning that we are not against the revision of the electoral rolls, but we are against the method in which the SIR is being conducted. It is mentioned in our party’s Politburo statement; it is also in our State Committee statement. We oppose the method the Election Commission wants to use for SIR because it is dangerous if they try to exercise a constitutional authority they do not possess. They are not acting according to the 'separation of duties' arising from the 'separation of powers,' which is a special feature of our Constitution.

They said, ' I will remove those who are not citizens.' Who are you to remove them? Who are you to identify them? If a Supreme Court judge starts performing the duties of the President, or the President starts performing the work of the Prime Minister, or if the Prime Minister starts performing the duties of the Election Commissioner, what will happen?

POST-TRUTH POLITICS

Another point is being circulated. Not just today, but for a long time now. It is being said that a large section of Bengalis in Kolkata and various other parts of West Bengal do not want the BJP to come to power in this state. When they are asked, 'Does that mean the Trinamool's (TMC) rule is good?' they reply, 'No, certainly not. We don't want this current situation either, but what can we do? To stop the BJP, we must vote for the Trinamool.'

This is known as the 'Lesser Evil' theory. It is being said that despite everything—the criminalisation, corruption, looting, the rape and murder of the trainee doctor at RG Kar, the extreme scandal in teacher recruitment, ministers being sent to jail one after another, and communal clashes in various areas—people still feel that voting for the Left is useless because they won't be able to achieve anything.

This discourse, or what is called a 'narrative' in technical terms, is a creation of the media. For instance, when the Left and Congress fought the 2016 elections side by side, and won 66 seats, the BJP won only three. Yet, there was continuous propaganda in the media, and a perception was created that the BJP was the main force. That the number 66 is somehow 'less' than three—this construction of falsehood is happening globally. Politicians and political scientists of today have named this 'post-Truth.' In other words, it is the construction of a so-called truth where actual truth has no existence. This is how the 'Lesser Evil' theory was manufactured.

Is there any basis for this absurd claim that Trinamool will stop the BJP while the Left or the CPI(M) cannot? In fact, the BJP's dramatic rise and electoral success occurred primarily during the TMC's time in power. For the 34 years the Left Front governed, the BJP made negligible inroads, rarely winning even a single Panchayat.

Furthermore, the BJP leadership in the state, including the current Leader of the Opposition, consists largely of former Trinamool members. This suggests the state BJP is essentially an "Old Boys' Club" of the TMC.

Therefore, this distrust has been planted in the minds of the people; it didn't emerge on its own. The narrative has been constructed. A perception has been manufactured. Is there any actual reality to this manufactured perception that Trinamool can stop the BJP? In fact, we have observed that the ruling Trinamool Congress and the "formal" opposition, the BJP, are collaboratively orchestrating the communally charged atmosphere in various parts of the state by engaging in "competitive communalism."

The political landscape, exemplified by the events surrounding the I-PAC office raid, has been fundamentally altered by the Trinamool Congress (TMC) effectively corporatising the election process. It is a striking development that a major political party is being managed by a company. Companies are meant for commerce—trade, industry, and factories—not for governing the political sphere. When a company takes control of politics, the political process inevitably transforms into a commercial business. This is precisely what is happening in West Bengal.

The commercialisation driving these dramatic visible changes is unmistakable. We now observe local municipal councillors, individuals who once lived in poverty, suddenly possessing multiple luxury cars and numerous apartments. This rapid accumulation of wealth is a direct consequence of politics being commercialised.

Furthermore, a significant casualty of this transformation has been the independence of the mainstream media, which has been severely compromised. India's current global ranking of 154th in press freedom is a stark indicator of this crisis. It is virtually impossible for a journalist to express their views without fear. Journalists frequently approach us, the Left, asking for a small number of key points, hoping to 'squeeze one in,' which confirms they are operating under stringent editorial directives. There is a complete 'blackout' aimed at suppressing and erasing dissenting voices. In an age where people rely on television, newspapers, local networks, and social media for information, controlling these channels means the truth is lost to the people.

Consider how social media is being controlled today. The controversy involving Ankhi Das, Facebook's former top policy official in India, is a significant case to recall. She was forced to resign following allegations that she had directed her team not to apply hate speech rules to posts made by certain politicians affiliated with the BJP. It is worth noting that her father-in-law was a former TMC minister. They were the ones who managed Facebook's promotion and role in bringing Modi to power.

Currently, the reach of our posts on Facebook is determined by the platform's algorithm, which restricts most users. However, for those who are willing to spend millions of dollars, the platform will actively promote them. Similarly, if we could afford to spend colossal amounts on the media, in the way that the TMC and BJP do, we would also command their attention.

When asked if we are using social media, the answer is that we certainly are. Many people claim that we are only using social media and not taking to the streets. The truth is, we are present in both spaces. We are on the 'net' and we are on the 'feet'—we are active online and we are marching on the ground.

WHO NEEDS THE LEFT?

The repeated propaganda emphasizing the absence of the Left from the Legislative Assembly is a deliberate strategy. This is not just a question of parliamentary politics, nor is it like a football team failing to win a trophy for a long time. The real question is whether the absence of the Left from the Assembly benefits the common man. From this perspective, the presence of the Left in both the Assembly and the Parliament is absolutely essential; otherwise, who will speak for the oppressed?

Could this widespread privatisation—the seizing of national assets like banks, insurance companies, and coal mines by a handful of corporations or families—have occurred if the Left still held political sway in Parliament? Similarly, consider the current state of West Bengal: rampant corruption, with looting extending from the Panchayats up to the State Government, and a succession of ministers being imprisoned. Would the state have sunk to this level of crisis if the Left had maintained its presence in the Assembly?

Over the course of our 34 years in power, we acknowledge that we made numerous mistakes and had many shortcomings, as is inevitable when undertaking significant work. We were guided by the people's corrections and simultaneously attempted to self-correct, with varying degrees of success. This process is fundamental to the progression of both democracy and politics. Now, as the country and state face their current challenges, the absence of the Left from both the Assembly and Parliament is becoming increasingly apparent to the people.

That is why we say: we may not be in the Assembly, but we are on the streets. Yet, you will find no reflection of our presence on the streets in the media. Even today, though so many rallies are taking place, you won't see them on any TV channel. If you open a newspaper tomorrow, will you see reports on the 25 people who were burnt to death in Nazirabad? To cover that up, a force of 400 goons and police is stationed there to ensure no one can enter. So, it is not just news of the Left that is being suppressed; many other things are being blacked out and censored.

It is often said that the movements led by the Left are not impactful enough, specifically that they do not create sufficient "noise" to get noticed. Others argue that because the Left did not take the lead in the movement for justice for 'Abhaya,' the momentum was lost under the guise of being 'apolitical.' However, we believe that a struggle is never a failure. Did Spartacus lose his war? Superficially, it may seem so, but it was Spartacus who wrote history. This is not just a single battle where a loss defines the end; it is a long-term war to restore the lost glory of this state and dispel its darkness. We will advance step by step, gathering people as we go. Politics progresses through these very ebbs and flows.

Our 34-year governance was a rare feat in the history of Indian democracy, and perhaps the world. Communists have rarely been allowed to exist peacefully; our government was forcibly toppled in 1957, and again in 1967, 1969. In 1971, we were prevented from forming the government. If we only look at those specific moments of being down, one might think we failed. Between 1972 and 1977, 1,200 of our workers were murdered. If you only looked at that period, you would think the Left had been erased. But history moves according to its own laws, not just our desires. We have certainly faced isolation—if not, how did we become so small? But the big media houses, funded by corporate giants like Ambani or Adani, will not spend their airtime or lines to help us reconnect with the people. We must do that work ourselves.

Our party mouthpiece, Ganashakti, must promote the real problems of the people, and our workers must go door-to-door. We are currently holding 30,000 to 40,000 small meetings across the state, with a goal to reach all 88,000 booths. Our workers are walking the streets, going to villages, and entering homes to explain that there is no difference between the TMC and the BJP. The TMC leaders of yesterday are the BJP leaders of today. Except for a few, almost all prominent BJP faces in this state originated in the TMC. They are two different shops with the same warehouse. They sell the same product and switch sides whenever convenient. We, the Left, fight for the people based on a specific ideology. Those who wanted to flee left early on; those of us remaining are persevering through beatings, jail, and false cases. We can feel the isolation beginning to break as people now encourage us to return and hang our flags.

In this state, one can become a martyr just for writing on a wall or hanging a flag—a situation worse than fascist states. Both 'Didi' and Modi follow the ideals of Mussolini and Hitler, attempting to run the state and country through those same methods. 

THE LEFT’S ALTERNATIVE

To us, Leftism is not just a tactical position; it is a philosophy of life and a search for an alternative. Their "alternative" is merely a choice between a temple or a mosque—debating the size of a deity's mace. Our alternative focuses on the price of a farmer's crops and the restoration of the 14,000 cooperatives that have been dismantled. We want farmers to get fair prices and consumers to get affordable rice and vegetables.

Our alternative means reopening the 8,000 government schools that have been turned into graveyards and filling them once again with the voices of children. It means providing healthcare instead of spending crores on the Chief Minister's photos or painting gates. In the late 80s and 90s, we led in reducing infant mortality because even primary health centres performed institutional deliveries. Now, despite the funds, primary centres are empty; money is only spent on painting large hospitals in Kolkata because painting and building allow for corruption. Our alternative includes honest Panchayats and municipalities, jobs based on merit, and the creation of industrial corridors. Instead of building a temple on 710 acres of land to garner votes, we would build industries so the youth can find work.

Neither Modi nor Didi speaks of these alternatives. They focus on religious division—one targets Muslims, the other counters with a temple. Does anyone truly vote just for a temple or a mosque? We saw that Pakistan, built on religion, could not stay together and split into Bangladesh based on language. We decided our country would be secular—where Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Parsees, Jains, and atheists coexist. Yet now, the focus is on attacking different castes, languages, or religions. The Prime Minister tells the jobless to "fry pakoras," and the Chief Minister tells them to "fry chops." Our strategy is the "Alternative." The BJP and TMC are complementary to each other; we are the true alternative, and that is what we are bringing to the people.