Budget Reflects BJP’s Apathy towards Women: AIDWA

The All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) has expressed displeasure and anger over the Union Budget for 2026-27. While the finance minister’s Budget speech mentioned “women” five times, the current plight of the majority of women in the country has hardly been addressed in the Budget. A minor increase in total nominal expenditure is offset by 1.8 per cent declared domestic inflation rate, thereby already making the Budget a contractionary one. The budget for the ministry of women and child development has decreased from 0.53 per cent to 0.05 per cent of the total budgetary expenditure. This coupled with meagre allocational increase or decrease in the existing centrally sponsored schemes shows total disregard of the lives and livelihood problem of women of the country. 

The estimates of Gender Budget show a decline from 1.61 per cent of the GDP to 1.38% in real terms and Rs 51,144 crore in nominal terms. This is gross denial to women when the deprivation is evident in all statistics of the country. Expenditure in Part A of the Gender Budget, which is 100% women-oriented schemes, is 0.30 per cent of the GDP and expenditures in Part B and Part C where allocation is below and above 30% for women constitute 1.08 per cent of the GDP. Major budgetary increase has been declared for Part C of the Gender Budget where allocation is less than 30% for women. This has shown a nominal increase to Rs 29,777.94 crore from Rs 24,299.97 crore, which is meagre. This shows a complete lack of commitment of the government towards welfare of women and 100% women-oriented schemes. 

The finance minister declared budgetary support for hostels for women in STEM and women-led enterprises. The finance minister showed concern for women studying in STEM as they have to work in laboratories for long hours. However, in spite of her concern, the budgetary allocation for SAMBAL, which is a congregation of Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao, One Stop Centre, Nari Adalat, Women Helpline etc. saw a decline from Rs 629 crore to Rs 627 crore. The decline will be significant if we account for inflation. Expenditures have been reduced in much hyped central schemes such as Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana, PM-POSHAN, PM-SHRI, PM-JAY, PM-MSY, and PM-AY. There has been no increase in the budgetary allocations for ICDS, Asha and other schemes employing women. 

The Budget stated that it took off from the success of Lakhapati Didi scheme to a new model of SHE which is Self-Help Entrepreneur hubs which will be set up through innovative finance. This is where AIDWA expresses its concern and anguish as in an AIDWA-led survey it was revealed how women are suffering from indebtedness of microfinance institutions. This raises a concern for increased indebtedness of women as the Budget is silent on the pathways of innovative finance. The Budget ignored women’s condition in the country, humiliated their long-standing charter of demands and reduced real allocations drastically for the disadvantaged SC, ST and minority communities, and women within these communities are hard hit by this Budget.

Dreaming Big, Spending Small: Education Missing in Budget

The Budget 2026 continued to project confidence under the banner of Viksit Bharat, with major announcements centred on infrastructure expansion, digitalisation, manufacturing, and global competitiveness. Yet, when examined through the lens of public education, the budget exposes a deep contradiction: India’s development narrative advances without treating education as a social right or a foundational public good.

As the Union government claims India’s GDP is increasing, expenditure on education remains stagnant relative to this growth. The government highlights nominal or absolute increases in education spending, but such figures are misleading when inflation, enrollment growth, and rising systemic costs are taken into account. The ministry of education’s allocation was Rs 1,39,289 crore, up from Rs 1,28,650 crore in the previous Budget. While nominal increases continue, real, inflation-adjusted spending has effectively stagnated. Education expenditure remains at around 3-4 per cent of the GDP, including state budget and other government expenditure, far below the 6 per cent target mandated by the National Education Policy (NEP) and long-standing democratic demands. Meanwhile, the Union government’s allocation for education stands at only 0.3 per cent of GDP. The allocated amount accounts for nearly 2.6 per cent of the total estimated expenditure of Rs 53.5 lakh crore for 2026-27. Absolute increases are repeatedly highlighted, but these figures are misleading when viewed against rising enrolments, inflation, and the overall expansion of the Union Budget. In proportional terms, education is steadily losing priority even as India’s GDP grows.

This declining priority stands in sharp contrast to other leading economies. Countries such as Japan, China, and the United Kingdom invest 6% or more of their GDP in education, recognising sustained public investment as essential for economic strength, innovation, and social stability. India’s aspiration to become a global power thus rests on a fragile foundation when education continues to be underfunded.

The impact of this neglect is already visible on the ground. The number of public schools in India has declined from 11,07,101 in 2014-15 to 10,17,660 in 2023–24, with 89,441 government schools shut down or merged over the last decade. These closures and mergers, often justified in the name of “rationalisation” and efficiency, have disproportionately affected rural, tribal, and marginalised communities, forcing children to travel longer distances or drop out altogether. Yet, the Union Budget 2026 remains silent on this alarming contraction of the public school system.

One of the most glaring omissions in Budget 2026 is the absence of mass teacher hiring. India runs one of the world’s largest education systems, yet faculty shortages remain severe across schools and higher education institutions. Over 33 lakh students are currently enrolled in more than one lakh single-teacher schools, a reality that severely compromises the quality of education.

Instead of strengthening public institutions, the Budget continues to emphasise NEP-linked instruments such as the Academic Bank of Credits (ABC), National Credit Framework (NCrF), APAAR, PARAKH, PM-SHRI, and DIKSHA. Alongside this, there is a growing push for the PPP (public-private partnership) model in education, projected as a solution for efficiency and innovation. In reality, this model commercialises government educational institutions, shifts costs to students and families, and opens public education to private profit. This Budget not only advances this approach but actively glorifies it, without acknowledging its long-term consequences for equity and access.

The Budget is also decidedly non-inclusive. It avoids meaningful focus on minorities and other historically marginalised communities, despite persistent disparities in access, retention, and learning outcomes. Neglect extends beyond schools and universities to foundational welfare-linked education systems. Budget 2026 shows no meaningful increase in allocation or focus on infrastructure and service quality under schemes such as ICDS and the School Mid-Day Meal Scheme. The allocation for Saksham Anganwadi POSHAN 2.0 for 2026–27 stands at Rs 23,100 crore, up from Rs 21,960 crore in the previous year. Despite assurances that nutritional cost norms would be enhanced (last revised in 2017), the increase amounts to barely 38 paise per child per day. Meanwhile, 3.38 lakh anganwadi centres lack clean drinking water, and 4.61 lakh lack toilet facilities, with only about 60,000 centres upgraded in the past four years. Such neglect directly undermines early childhood education and nutrition, weakening the very foundation of learning.

SFI unequivocally rejects this anti-student, pro-corporate Budget and calls upon the entire student community of India to intensify united resistance against these policies.

Budget a betrayal of Adivasis: AARM

The Budget has nothing for the working people of India and far less for the Scheduled Tribes while it continues the lower tax rates and other concessions given to corporates. In the entire Budget speech, except for one line in the introduction, there was no reference at all to the Scheduled Tribes. This callous approach is reflected in the Budget also. In fact, the Budget figures show the huge betrayal of the interests of the Scheduled Tribes by the Modi government.

The concessions given to big mining companies have already directly affected the land and forest rights of Adivasis. This Budget shows the government is going to continue on this pro-corporate path.  

The government is expected to spend 8.6 per cent of the total expenditure in the Budget on STs which is equal to their proportion in the population. While the term Tribal Sub-Plan has been scrapped by the Modi government, it publishes a separate statement numbered 10 B as part of the Budget papers entitled “Allocation for the Welfare of Scheduled Tribes”. Every related Ministry is expected to spend an amount of their allocation for STs which is then added in Statement 10B. Instead of 8.6 per cent, in 2025-2026, the amount allocated was just 2.58 per cent.  But even this was not spent. Allocation was put at Rs 1.3 lakh crore but, out of this, over Rs 7,000 crore was not spent. What is even more shocking is that the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, which is the nodal agency for tribal welfare, has had the worst record of not spending for tribal welfare. The ministry spent only Rs 10,745.16 crore out of an allocation of Rs 14,861.96 crore last year. This is a huge betrayal of Adivasi interests. We demand the accountability of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs headed by Jual Oram. 

The prime minister had declared before the Jharkhand Assembly elections, a new programme especially designed for the particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PVTGs) called JANMAN scheme. It was supposed to be a convergence programme of around nine ministries to ensure all-round development for PVTG, the most deprived sections of tribals living in deplorable conditions. What happened to the scheme? According to details of various ministries given in statement 10BB, a sum of Rs 6,351.99 crore was to be spent in  2025-2026, but only Rs 3,997 crore was spent. The amount given for 2026-2027 is even less than that. Clearly the welfare of PVTGs is not a priority. Yet another flagship scheme is called Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan. This was supposed to cover 17 ministries. Under this scheme also, out of Rs 6,105 crore allocated in 2025-26, only Rs 2,186 crore was actually spent. There is no proper audit as to how much money is being spent by other ministries, and why are they not spending all the money that is allocated. This is happening at a time when lakhs of adivasis are being displaced due to so-called development projects like mining, private sector power and irrigation projects and so on. In fact the Budget gives concessions for companies in all these areas, while cutting down on expenditures for tribal welfare.  

The Adivasi Adhikar Rashtriya Manch (AARM) considers the Budget an exercise in deception. It is a betrayal of Adivasis. AARM units across the country should organise protests against the anti-Adivasi, anti-people Budget, exposing the hollow claims of the Modi government.