Decisive Verdict in BTC Polls: BJP–UPPL Rejected
Isfaqur Rahman
THE recently concluded election to the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) has sent a clear and emphatic message: the people of the Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR) in Assam have rejected the communal, divisive, and opportunistic politics of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its ally, the United People’s Party Liberal (UPPL). Against the backdrop of tall claims, hate campaigns, and extravagant promises like introduction of newer and newer beneficiary schemes, the voters have delivered a verdict that exposes the failures of the ruling alliance and opens a new chapter in the democratic assertion of the people of the BTR.
The outcome was an overwhelming mandate in favour of the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF), which emerged as the single largest party by securing 28 seats in the 40-member council. The UPPL, despite being in power in coalition with the BJP, managed to win only seven seats, while the BJP itself was reduced to five. No other party or independent candidate could open an account. The result clearly reflects a significant shift in public sentiment and a strong rejection of the ruling UPPL–BJP alliance.
In the 2020 BTC election, the BPF, led by Hagrama Mohilary, emerged as the single largest party with 17 seats. The BJP secured nine seats while the UPPL bagged 12. Although the BPF had the people’s mandate, the Himanta Biswa Sarma-led BJP government in Assam cobbled together an opportunistic post-poll alliance with the UPPL and took control of the council, denying the BPF its chance to govern. In fact, the UPPL and BJP had a tacit understanding during the pre-poll campaigns.
The elections this time were held on September 22, 2025, across the five districts of Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa, Tamulpur, and Udalguri, covering a total electorate of 26,58,477. Voter turnout was impressive, with 78.42% of the electorate exercising their franchise. The BTC area falls in the north-western part of Assam on the northern bank of the river Brahmaputra, sharing borders with Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh.
In this election, the BJP and UPPL did not enter into an alliance. Both parties contested all 40 seats, reflecting the BJP’s ambition to capture the BTC on its own strength. The BJP and the Himanta Biswa Sarma government have already mastered the treacherous tactic of joining hands with regional parties only to swallow their mass base and finally capture power by isolating their allies. The Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council and the Dima Hasao Autonomous Council, under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, are glaring examples.
The Congress, on its part, fielded candidates in all 40 constituencies but ignored calls for electoral understanding among the secular opposition parties. As a result, the Congress and other democratic-secular parties drew a blank. The CPI(M) fielded three candidates and lost. The BPF alone stood tall and emerged victorious.
During his campaign trail, Assam’s Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma was unrelenting in his communal and divisive speeches. He spread Islamophobic propaganda, particularly targeting Muslims of East Bengal origin who have been settled in the region for decades. He accused them of grabbing tribal lands, repeatedly using the phrase “suspected Bangladeshis” to generate fear and polarisation. This communal rhetoric was designed to pit communities against one another and consolidate non-Muslim votes in favour of the BJP. Almost all the ministers of the Assam Government and top BJP leaders joined the orchestrated campaign for more than a month. The people, however, gave a befitting reply by rejecting hate-driven politics.
Chief Minister Sarma and his colleagues also parroted the slogan that the BJP is the “champion of indigenous people” and claimed that his government had protected the rights of tribals and locals. On the ground, however, the reality was starkly different. Far from protecting indigenous people, the BJP-led government targeted them too through ruthless eviction drives. In the Parbatjhura area of Kokrajhar district, even poor tribal families were faced with eviction, and around 3,600 bighas of land were earmarked for handover to the Adani Group for a thermal power project. Massive protests from all communities forced the government to halt the eviction. This incident epitomises how, in the name of protecting “indigenous people”, the BJP in fact served corporate interests and undermined the lives and livelihoods of the very people it claimed to champion.
Several key issues defined this election. The BJP–UPPL regime failed to generate employment or provide land to the landless. Growing unemployment created deep resentment. Land was handed over to corporate giants such as Adani, Ambani, and Ramdev at the cost of the local population, tribal and non-tribal alike. The Forest Rights Act was never properly implemented. Allegations of massive corruption and misuse of public funds against Executive Members of the BTC and leaders of the ruling coalition were rampant. Many amassed huge personal properties by siphoning off public money meant for development.
At the grassroots level, democracy was subverted. The Village Council Development Committees (VCDCs), meant to be elected bodies, were instead nominated by the ruling BJP–UPPL. This allowed the parties to pick loyal but corrupt agents, creating a nexus that siphoned off development funds and robbed villagers of accountability and representation.
Furthermore, the BJP consistently stoked divisions on communal and ethnic lines to maintain its grip. But this strategy fell flat on its face due to growing awareness among communities that such divisive tactics harmed everyone while benefiting only a few at the top.
The people’s verdict was unequivocal: the BPF swept aside the BJP and UPPL to emerge as the clear frontrunner. Significantly, the sitting MLAs fielded by the BJP and UPPL were defeated, while only the BPF’s MLA could retain his seat. This underlined the extent of anti-incumbency against the ruling alliance. The absence of electoral unity in the secular-democratic camp cost the Congress and other opposition parties dearly.
The non-Bodo population, particularly religious and ethnic minorities such as Muslims, Koch Rajbanshis, Adivasis, Bengali Hindus, and Nepalis, largely rallied behind the BPF. By rejecting the incumbents, they ensured that the BTC election was not reduced to a communal or sectarian contest but instead became a verdict on governance, corruption, and livelihood issues.
On 28 September, BPF Chief Hagrama Mohilary met the Governor of Assam and staked claim to form the next council. The oath-taking ceremony is scheduled for 5 October. Mohilary has stated that the BPF will not reject support from any party willing to work for the development of the region, keeping all doors open.
In a surprising turn, both Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma and UPPL leader Pramod Boro announced that their parties would extend support to the BPF. Chief Minister Sarma even went to the extent of calling the BPF’s victory an “NDA win,” despite having campaigned aggressively against the party as rivals. Now the Chief Minister makes outlandish claims that “all the 40 seats in the BTC were won by the NDA.” The BPF, for its part, has not explicitly distanced itself from this claim but has emphasised that it will cooperate with all who contribute to the region’s development. Clearly, Mohilary is keeping his options open while consolidating his party’s position.
The BTC election of 2025 is not just a regional event but a significant political signal. It reflects the rejection of the BJP’s politics of hate, opportunism, and corporate servitude. The people have demonstrated that communal campaigns, identity politics, and hollow promises cannot override their demand for livelihood, rights, and dignity. The BJP’s attempt to capture the BTC was decisively thwarted. Its divisive politics failed, its corruption was punished, and its arrogance was humbled. In contrast, the BPF has been given a renewed mandate, not because it ran a flamboyant campaign, but because the people saw it as a vehicle to check the BJP–UPPL combine and reclaim democratic space in the BTR.
The lesson from the BTC is unmistakable: the people will not tolerate power-hungry and divisive politics. They have asserted their voice and safeguarded democracy in the face of immense odds. This message will resonate far beyond the boundaries of the BTR, reminding Assam and the nation that ultimately, it is the people who hold the power to shape their destiny. The BTC results are also significant in the context of the forthcoming 2026 Assam Assembly election. After delimitation, the region now has 15 Assembly constituencies in the 126 member Assembly and the BPF’s sweeping victory strengthens its position.
