M A Baby
RECENT calls by the RSS leadership to remove the words socialism and secularism from the Preamble of the Indian Constitution are not just an attack on semantics – they represent a direct assault on the foundational vision of the Indian republic itself. The Constitution embodies the ideals and aspirations of India’s glorious anti-colonial freedom struggle. It reflects the values championed by the various movements that united to secure our independence. Socialism and secularism are among its most fundamental principles, woven throughout the Constitution, reflected not just in the Preamble, but in the Directive Principles of State Policy, the Fundamental Rights, the Fundamental Duties, and beyond.
The RSS general secretary's call was cloaked in a critique of the Emergency, declared 50 years ago, pointing out that these terms were added to the Preamble through the 42nd Amendment in 1976. This is a deceitful attempt to use the Emergency as a pretext to delegitimise these core principles –particularly hypocritical given the RSS’s own collaboration with the Indira Gandhi government during that period for its own survival. To now invoke the Emergency to undermine constitutional principles reflects both historical amnesia and political opportunism.
Socialism and secularism are not just words; they are among the fundamental ideas that define India as a modern democarcy.
COMMITMENT TO SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC JUSTICE
Socialism in the Indian Constitution represents a commitment to social and economic justice, the eradication of inequality, and the creation of a welfare state. It reflects a strong current within the Indian freedom movement, which fought not only against British colonialism but also against all forms of exploitation and oppression. Apart from the Communists, peoples like Bhagat Singh and his compatriots exemplify this socialist tendency within the struggle for independence.
The Indian Constitution did not envision a socialist society in the sense of social ownership of the means of production and the complete elimination of economic and social oppression – as the CPI(M) aspires to. The CPI(M) continues to fight for a society of free and equal citizens, a goal yet to be fully realised. However, the Constitution laid the foundation for increasing freedoms and reducing inequalities in a society historically marked by deep-rooted economic exploitation and social oppression.
The Preamble, even before the 42nd Amendment explicitly inserted the word "socialist", had already promised “JUSTICE, social, economic and political” and sought “EQUALITY of status and of opportunity” for all citizens. This underlines the fact that the spirit of socialism was already embedded in the Constitution’s provisions.
The Fundamental Rights enshrined in the Constitution marked major steps towards that vision. Article 14 guarantees equality before the law and equal protection of the laws. Article 15 prohibits discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. Article 16 ensures equality of opportunity in matters of public employment. Read together with the Preamble and the Directive Principles of State Policy, these rights enshrine a vision of a just society free from exploitation, one in which the dignity of every individual is respected and upheld.
The Directive Principles of State Policy – Part IV, Articles 36 to 51 – contain the clearest articulation of the socialist vision in the Constitution. Article 38 says, “the State shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in which justice, social, economic and political, shall inform all the institutions of the national life.” Article 39 further mandates that “the State shall, in particular, direct its policy towards securing – (a) that the citizens, men and women equally, have the right to an adequate means of livelihood; (b) that the ownership and control of the material resources of the community are so distributed as best to subserve the common good; (c) that the operation of the economic system does not result in the concentration of wealth and means of production to the common detriment; (d) that there is equal pay for equal work for both men and women…”
Further, Article 41 speaks of the right to work, to education, and to public assistance; Article 42 calls for just and humane conditions of work and Article 43 envisions a living wage and a decent standard of life.
These provisions are not merely aspirational statements. They have inspired landmark legislation and judicial interpretations in India – from land reforms and the establishment of public sector enterprises to the creation of social welfare schemes.
While the Directive Principles are not legally enforceable, their inclusion is a result of intense debates in the Constituent Assembly. The decision not to make them enforceable reflects the class character of the Indian state. The ruling classes could not outright reject the socialist vision, as it had broad popular support. Yet, by keeping them non-justiciable, they retained control over the pace and direction of their implementation.
SECULARISM: A BASIC TENET
Secularism in the Indian Constitution is not merely religious neutrality; it is a positive assurance that the State will treat all religions equally, protect the rights of minorities, and ensure that no citizen faces discrimination on the basis of faith. Even before the word “secular” was explicitly added to the Preamble in 1976, the original text had already affirmed “LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship” and “FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual…” – principles that reflect the spirit of secularism.
In Part III – Fundamental Rights, Articles 25 to 28 enshrine the Right to Freedom of Religion, further underscoring the secular character of the Indian Republic. Article 25 guarantees all persons freedom of conscience and the right to freely profess, practise, and propagate religion. Article 26 grants every religious denomination the right to manage their own religious affairs. Article 27 prohibits the compelling of any person to pay taxes for the promotion of a particular religion. Article 28 forbids religious instruction in educational institutions wholly funded by the State.
Further, Articles 29 and 30 protect the cultural and educational rights of minorities: they ensure minorities can preserve their language, script, and culture; they prohibit denial of admission to educational institutions maintained or aided by the State on grounds of religion, among others; they allow minorities to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice.
These Articles collectively ensure that the State does not identify with or privilege any religion, and that every citizen – regardless of faith – enjoys equal rights and protections.
Additionally, the Directive Principles of State Policy directs the promotion of the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections and protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation as specified in Article 46. Several official studies, including the Sachar Committee and the Ranganath Misra Commission, have shown that various sections of the religious minorities in India are indeed socio-economically disadvantaged compared to the rest of society.
The Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed that secularism is part of the basic structure of the Constitution. It has consistently held that secularism means equal treatment of all religions by the State and the absence of any State religion.
It is important to note that the Basic Structure Doctrine was introduced in 1973 in the Supreme Court’s landmark judgment in the Kesavananda Bharati case. This doctrine asserts that while the Indian Parliament has wide powers to amend the Constitution, it cannot alter or destroy its fundamental or “basic” structure, i.e., the basic structure of the Constitution is inviolable.
When the 42nd Amendment introduced the words “socialist” and “secular” into the Preamble in 1976 – three years after this verdict – it was done in full recognition of the basic structure doctrine. The amendment was permissible precisely because these principles were already inherent in the Constitution and did not in any way violate its basic structure.
INSEPARABLE FROM THE IDEA OF INDIA
It is a fallacy to claim that the words socialism and secularism in the Preamble are mere “additions” or “impositions” from the 1970s. The Objective Resolution, the Constituent Assembly debates, and the lived experience of India’s anti‑colonial freedom struggle all confirm that these ideals were central to the Republic’s founding vision. The Constitution’s commitment to social and economic justice, equality, and fraternity is inherently socialist, while its guarantee of religious liberty, non‑discrimination, and minority rights is inherently secular. Even if the words socialist and secular were removed from the Preamble, the Constitution’s core philosophy, structure, and provisions would remain unchanged in substance and their essence.
Dr B R Ambedkar, Chairman of the Drafting Committee, captured this spirit in his final speech to the Constituent Assembly on November 25, 1949. He said, “We must not to be content with mere political democracy. We must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy. What does social democracy mean? It means a way of life which recognises liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life… Liberty cannot be divorced from equality, equality cannot be divorced from liberty. Nor can liberty and equality be divorced from fraternity. Without equality, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Without fraternity, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Without fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things.”
He went on to say, “On the social plane, we have in India a society based on the principle of graded inequality which means elevation for some and degradation for others. On the economic plane, we have a society in which there are some who have immense wealth as against many who live in abject poverty. On the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be recognising the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value. In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions? How long shall we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? I we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy which this Assembly has so laboriously built up.”
Ambedkar’s words powerfully affirm that the Constitution was crafted to secure social and economic justice – the very essence of socialism and secularism. They remain a guiding light against any attempt to dilute these foundational values.
RSS STANDS EXPOSED
RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale’s call to remove socialism and secularism from the Preamble of the Indian Constitution is not an innocent call for mere “historical accuracy”; it is a calculated attempt to undermine the very foundations of the Indian Republic. Their claim that these words were not part of Dr B R Ambedkar’s original draft ignores a crucial fact: the principles of socialism and secularism permeate the Constitution. The 42nd Amendment merely made explicit what was always implicit. In fact, the word secular is there in Article 25(2)(a) even before the 42nd amendment. Mention has already been made of Article 38, which directs the State to secure a social order for the promotion of welfare of the people, which reflects the tilt to socialism.
Historically, the RSS has sought to entrench inequality and patriarchy while recasting India’s national identity along theocratic, majoritarian lines. Its push to excise socialism and secularism from the Preamble is an effort to rewrite history, delegitimise the legacy of our anti‑colonial freedom struggle, and pave the way for a theocratic state. This is a direct threat to India’s plural, democratic ethos.
The Constitution strives to secure justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity for all; socialism and secularism are indispensable pillars of that vision. By attacking these values, the RSS reveals its intent to dismantle the socialist, secular, democratic Republic that the Constitution guarantees. Its agenda – to replace constitutional principles with Manusmriti and establish a Hindu Rashtra –stands exposed.
All who cherish the values forged in the freedom struggle – a struggle that the RSS was not part of and even exhorted India’s youth to not waste their energy by being part of – must unite in defence of the Constitution and resist any attempt to transform India into a theocratic, majoritarian state, a Hindu Rashtra.
Enable GingerCannot connect to Ginger Check your internet connection
or reload the browserDisable Ginger?How to use GingerRephraseRephrase with Ginger (Ctrl+Alt+E)Edit in GingerGinger is checking your text for mistakes...×
