BOTH Houses of Parliament were adjourned sine die on December 20 amid protests by MPs of the Opposition bloc over Union Home Minister Amit Shah's remarks on B R Ambedkar and other issues. Before the Houses were adjourned, Law Minister Arjun Ram Meghwal on Tuesday introduced the Constitution (129th Amendment) Bill, 2024 and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2024 – the two Bills for the conduct of the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections simultaneously – in the Lok Sabha. The Bills saw intense debate in the House, with 269 members voting in its favour and 198 members opposed. The proponents of the ‘One Nation, One Election’ proposal argued that simultaneous elections will ensure policy stability and minimise disruptions caused by frequent election cycles. The Opposition raised concerns about federalism, logistical challenges, and the potential concentration of power, etc. A joint parliamentary committee (JPC) consisting of 27 members from the Lok Sabha (including CPI(M) MP K Radhakrishnan) and 12 from the Rajya Sabha will scrutinise the ‘One Nation, One Election’ Bills.    

In the Lok Sabha, K Radhakrishnan took part in the discussion on the “glorious journey of 75 years of the Indian Constitution” and said it is a moment of pride and reflection. This Constitution, envisioned by B R Ambedkar and the members of the Constituent Assembly, is the cornerstone of our democracy and the protector of our freedoms. I want to mention the name of the sole Communist member in the Constituent Assembly, Comrade Somnath Lahri. He had forwarded the idea of privacy as a fundamental right in the Constituent Assembly in 1947, but it was not considered at that time. After 7 decades in 2017, in the Aadhaar case, the Supreme Court has proclaimed that privacy is our fundamental right. However, this occasion also demands introspection, especially in the context of the challenges our democracy and constitutional principles face today. The Constitution enshrines justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity as its guiding principles. It emphasises inclusivity, social justice, and the protection of marginalised communities. We have many examples of the misuse of the Constitution. In 1957 in Kerala, the EMS Namboodiripad government was elected and it was the first elected Communist government in the country. On July 31, 1959, the state government was dismissed by the central government using Article 356 of the Constitution. This marked one of the first instances of central intervention in a state using Article 356. Later the decision taken by the central government shows that it was wrong. I can’t also support the declaration of the Emergency in 1975. Now the country is also going through an undeclared Emergency. The strategy that had been adopted by the British – ‘divide and rule’ – is also being done by this government. Under the current government, we see growing instances where democratic institutions, meant to act as checks and balances, are being weakened. Institutions like the judiciary, the Election Commission, and even Parliament itself have come under unprecedented pressure. The autonomy of these institutions, vital for upholding the Constitution, is being eroded. The frequent use of ordinances, bypassing parliamentary scrutiny, undermines the spirit of democracy.

The Constitution guarantees freedom of expression, yet dissent is increasingly criminalised. Social justice, one of the pillars of our Constitution, is being sidelined. Despite claims of "Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas," caste and communal violence have seen a disturbing rise. The rights and dignity of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and minorities are often under attack. The government’s failure to address these issues and its tacit support of divisive narratives is a betrayal of our constitutional values. Economic policies have also widened inequalities, contradicting the Constitution’s commitment to social and economic justice.

According to the NCRB data, atrocities against women, minorities, dalits and adivasis are increasing in the country. Even though reservation had been given to SC and ST, they had not come to the mainstream till now. But the government is planning to stop the reservation. It is against the Constitution. While the wealthy thrive, marginalised communities struggle for access to basic rights such as education, healthcare, and livelihoods. The lack of genuine affirmative action and the privatisation of public institutions further deepened these divides. The government is encouraging the privatisation of all PSUs in the country. This government’s approach raises fundamental questions about its commitment to the Constitution. The principles enshrined in our founding document are not mere words but a road map for governance. Any deviation from these principles is a disservice to the people of India and an affront to the sacrifices of those who fought for our democracy.  On this 75th anniversary, let us remind ourselves and the government that upholding the Constitution is not optional—it is mandatory.

Speaking on the 75 years of the Indian Constitution in the Rajya Sabha, Bikash  Ranjan Bhattacharyya said the Constitution was adopted by the people of India. I just take this opportunity to quote from the deliberations made by Jaipal Singh, who is from the adivasi community. Kindly see what he felt. He was also representing there. He says that there are millions and hordes of people who have not heard about it. He says that the history of Indus Valley Civilization, a child of which I am, shows quite clearly that it is the newcomers – most of you here are intruders as far as I am concerned – who have driven away my people from the Indus Valley to the jungles. We are the most democratic people on earth. What my people require is not the safeguards of democracy, but we need the sustenance from the Constitution. The Constitution is not for the people who are sitting in this luxurious building; the Constitution is for the people who are on the streets, staying there without any shelter in this winter season. What have we seen? We have seen that, in the progress of the Constitution, there are many milestones. Up to 1970, we saw that the Indian Constitution gave us the economic protection of nationalisation of properties in favour of the country. Private properties were nationalised which ultimately benefited the Indian economy towards the direction of economic democracy – the foundation of the Constitution. Then, in 1975, we found a black spot. There was an Emergency declaration which was absolutely not in favour of the Constitution. Ultimately, that person came forward and apologised to the people saying that she had committed a mistake. That chapter is over. When we arrived in 2014, we found that initially there were deviations. Now, there is a deliberate attempt to destroy the basic features of the Constitution. When people see, as I referred to Jaipal Singh and adivasis, they say that they don’t have any religion; they believe in worshipping nature and environment. They say that and when they find that the Prime Minister of the country goes to lay the foundation stone of a mandir of a particular religious community, that really hits the heart of the Constitution. Then starts the destruction of the constitutional principles. We, the Indian people, are people as a whole. 

Taking part in the discussion, John Brittas said in the Rajya Sabha that the title should be changed to ‘65 years of undistinguished years and 10 years of glory.’ According to them, 65 years have been horrible and horrendous. Only 10 years have been glorious and golden. Democracy survives on the trust of the people and trust on institutions. From CAG and Election Commission to Parliament and the media, the trust of the people has been dented considerably. And, the government puts the responsibility on just one person, Jawaharlal Nehru. The last time I spoke, I requested Amit Shahji, please make a ministry for Jawaharlal Nehru so that one minister can deal with all those ills committed by Jawaharlal Nehru. How many years will you dwell on Jawaharlal Nehru? Our party had disagreements with Jawaharlal Nehru. My government in Kerala was dismissed. We have our disagreements. We had our disagreements with the Emergency. But now what is happening in this country is that there is an undeclared Emergency in this country. For one week, Parliament was disrupted on George Soros. Let us appoint a JPC to find out where Soros’s money reached? I am afraid that if a JPC is there, it will reach the footsteps of the Prime Minister’s office. Even a Governor’s name would be doled out. I would say that the taxpayers’ money has been given to George Soros because we are contributing to a UN fund on democracy and that particular fund is giving money to Geroge Soros’s Open Society Foundation. Is it not a fact that our money is going to George Soros? And they said that the US State Department is responsible. Why can’t they close down the US Embassy, declare all of them persona non grata, expel them from this country because they are trying to destabilise this nation. Now the biggest problem in this country is defection. I will give you statistics. 830 elected representatives defected to BJP and they were all made candidates. How many governments have been brought down? The Prime Minister said that every individual should perform their duties, be it individuals or administration. Let the Prime Minister go to Manipur and discharge his responsibilities as the Prime Minister of this country. The office of the governor has been used to destabilise state governments ruled by the Opposition. There are 3Ds – either defame the government or discriminate against the government or destabilise the government! Can a constitutional office of the governor be turned into a hitman office? Kerala is giving so much to the national exchequer. The Wayanad calamity happened. But not even a single pie has been given. Can you discriminate against a state like this? They now talk about ‘One Nation, One Election’. It is the extension of one leader, one country, one ideology. Do you want to finish off federalism in this country?