THE assembly segment of Kulgam has consistently been represented by CPI (M) since 1996. And it is also a known hot-bed of religious fanatic organisation like Jamat-e-Islami. JeI has been banned by the government since 2019, and JeI is the bedrock of militancy in Kashmir. Some of the members of this banned organisation decided to contest the assembly elections of 2024, and contested over five constituencies. JeI, however, focussed on Kulgam only. A question emerges: why JeI has made compromises with its ideology, and constitution? Why it took a sharp u-turn over its politics? And most importantly, why Kulgam?

JeI was founded by Abu Ala Maududi on the ideological principles which reject secularism, democracy, and people’s republic governments. He, and his organisation, express political motives explicitly including overthrowing the secular governments and installing conservative theocracy. JeI, in Jammu and Kashmir, functioned on the similar ideological positions and used violent means to eliminate the propagators and admirers of secular democracy during the heydays of militancy until recently. Being the stooges of ISI previously, they professed and socialised innocent Kashmiris for ‘boycott’. They openly spoke and wrote against participation in elections even through its mouthpiece Moomin. By deciding to jump into election fray without disowning the ideology, constitution, and past strategies is all but a political hypocrisy. And the sudden political u-turn and being able to contest does not happen without a backing from outside. 

The campaigning strategy of the JeI candidate (those aligned with Jamaat-e-Islami or similar Islamic political ideologies) in Kulgam during the 2024 elections was expected to be structured, rooted in grassroots activism, and framed within religious and ideological contexts. Kulgam is known for its political sensitivities. Being an exceptionally diverse area makes it significant in terms of the politics and political choices.

ELECTION CAMPAIGN, AND POLITICAL POLARISATION

The JeI has traditionally relied on grassroots networks. They have a mastery over using various networks like community organisations, and religious institutions. Their supporters often work through informal networks including mosques and madrasas. During these assembly elections, JeI used all its network from villages, communities to organisation for political campaigning, and importantly its cadre from other areas of Kashmir joined the political campaign in Kulgam. It invested all its organisational and personnel might to win election in Kulgam. JeI has always leveraged Islamic symbolism to resonate with the religious sentiments of voters thus creating a moral imperative to back the Jamaat as the sole legitimate Islamic option in politics. In Kulgam, the JeI employed similar rhetoric, framing the political contest as a struggle between Islam and Kufr (infidelity), asserting that a victory for their candidate would represent a triumph for Islam. JeI declared that their candidate’s victory would symbolise triumph for Islam, while his loss would represent a setback for it. Using this expression, they tried to garner support from other religious organisations. JeI tried to form alliances or have informal ties with other Islamist groups in Kashmir, enabling them to pool resources, share strategies, and broaden their political reach.

One of the most effective ways JeI invoked religion is by framing political participation – particularly voting for their candidates – as a religious duty. The idea is to present voting as not merely a civic obligation but an act of faith that aligns with the principles of Islam. The JeI presents its political goals as being in line with Islamic teachings, portraying their participation in the electoral process as an effort to establish governance based on Sharia (Islamic law). This aligns with the belief that a truly Islamic society can only be achieved through the election of pious, morally upright leaders.

JeI may argue that Muslims are morally obligated to support leaders who will uphold Islamic principles in governance. Supporting secular or non-Islamic parties could be portrayed as a betrayal of faith, pushing voters toward the JeI candidates.

JeI remained entirely silent on issues such as Article 370 and 35A, as historically, they never supported these provisions and instead advocated for Jammu and Kashmir’s full integration with Pakistan through self-determination. They mostly refrained from mentioning the most pressing contemporary issues impacting Kashmir. This tactical silence has been interpreted as ‘collaboration’ with the political dispensation at the centre. For reasons like these, such candidates were deemed as ‘Team B’ of the BJP. It must be kept in mind that M Y Tarigami has played a crucial role in formation and functioning of Peoples’ Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD). The political positioning of PAGD turned out to be the most fierce political narrative challenging the abrogation of Article 370, and downgrading of the state into union territories of Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh. In Kulgam specifically, the CPI(M) won all the DDC seats with thumping majority. CPI(M), thus, remained the focus, and its defeat had become a political necessity at a larger level. JeI became the choice of the masters against CPI(M).

VOTER OUTREACH

JeI has always relied on the religious places like mosques and madrasas, and put these to use in the election campaign. JeI candidates utilised these easy-granted structures that pull its followers and sympathisers automatically. The already socialised cadre are pushed to radical levels in pursuit of the political goals. This all is done under the garb of religion, and the innocent voters are mobilised by appealing to and invoking of religious affiliation.

By invoking religious values during their campaigns, JeI aimed to connect political participation with religious duty. Imams and religious scholars affiliated with or sympathetic to JeI delivered sermons emphasizing the importance of voting for candidates who represent radical religious values.

The JeI have historically combined political activities with so-called charitable work, making this a key aspect of their campaign. During the campaign, they distributed food packets to lure the voters. Hundreds of such food packets and other materials were distributed not only to build goodwill among the electorate but also strengthen their image. By providing tangible benefits to the electorate, they tried to foster loyalty and trust, with a political aim to translate this into electoral support.

For JeI, mosques and madrasas (Islamic schools) serve multiple roles in political mobilisation. Mosques are often used to deliver political messages, with Friday sermons (khutbahs) being a particularly effective platform. Local imams and religious clerics who align with the JeI ideology used their positions to encourage political participation in favour of JeI candidates, framing voting as a religious duty. Madrasas are another crucial resource. They serve not only as centres for religious education but also as hubs for organising campaign activities. Students and teachers were involved in campaign work, from canvassing to voter outreach.