THE National Education Policy 2020 (NEP), supposedly introduced to modernise and revamp India's education system, is currently being actively implemented nationwide in various phases and at varying paces. As India enters the second quarter of the 21st century, being the most populous country globally and anticipating a youth dividend, a contemporary and fair education system is imperative. This system should receive sufficient financial allocations to ensure universal access to quality school education and higher education aligned with the demands of the knowledge age.

Despite previous efforts post-Independence, supported by numerous studies and policies, the outcomes were mixed, with pockets of excellence amid widespread deprivation. The Right to Education Act 2009 (RtE) was enacted after significant struggle, implementing the 86th Constitution Amendment through Article 21A to guarantee free and compulsory education for all children aged 6-14. However, persistent challenges in the education sector, such as low public spending, inadequate teacher-student ratios, subpar education quality, sluggish enrollment, and high dropout rates—especially impacting girls, SC/ST, and impoverished rural students—remained.

Issues like low enrollment in higher education institutions (HEI), overall poor quality, and a mismatch between education and employment or employability persisted. Unfortunately, the NEP has not effectively addressed any of these concerns.

Reality check up

Nearly 60 of every 1,000 children born in Uttar Pradesh die before their fifth birthday, almost as many as in Afghanistan, according to data from the latest National Family Health Survey (NFHS 5) and the World Bank. Across India, 42 of every 1,000 children die before the age of five, according to NFHS-5. Afghanistan (60.3/1,000) and Pakistan (67.2/1,000) are the only countries in South Asia, where the child mortality rate–the number of child deaths per 1,000 live births before age five–is higher than that of India's.
It could be prevent if the Union and state governments allotted proper budget for mid day meal and was neglected in the NEP.

Moreover, the imposition of the National Education Policy (NEP) by the union government raises concerns as it has not been presented to or approved by Parliament, despite numerous conflicts with the legislatively established Right to Education (RtE) Act. The NEP further encroaches upon the jurisdiction of states, which share responsibility for education in the concurrent list but were not consulted, leading to an unprecedented level of centralisation.

The detrimental effects of the NEP are already evident across various education sectors, particularly impacting women, the impoverished rural population, as well as marginalised groups such as dalits, tribals, and minorities. This imposition disregards the collaborative nature of education governance and has far-reaching consequences, exacerbating disparities and disenfranchising vulnerable communities.

NATIONAL 'EXCLUSION' POLICY

Within the document, the term 'multidisciplinary learning' emerges prominently. While the concept appears promising, it poses a risk of diluting subjects and the foundational principles of research, potentially weakening specialisation.

Concurrently, a significant push for the 'centralization of research' is evident. The allocation of topics, funding, or grants for any research work will now be orchestrated by the centre, leaving researchers with limited freedom and autonomy.

Another highlighted aspect is the 'Foreign University Bill,' allowing foreign universities to establish campuses in the country. However, this primarily benefits elite, urban, upper-class families capable of affording these institutions.

Simultaneously, the policy claims to simplify the establishment process for higher educational institutes. Yet, this ease is contingent on institutions demonstrating substantial financial backing, indicating a shift towards fewer government-funded, quality educational institutions and a surge in privately funded institutions like 'Jio Universities.'

The discussion also revolves around 'Exit Plans,' enabling students to complete a 3-year course in 1 or 2 years and obtain a diploma degree. Instead of addressing the root causes of high dropout rates, the government appears to legitimize them, placing the responsibility on individuals rather than addressing systemic oppression.

Internships are emphasized, but the emphasis on unpaid internships raises concerns about accessibility. The policy seemingly favors those who can afford to engage in unpaid internships, potentially creating an imbalance in job opportunities based on developed skills.

The policy introduces "social workers" to collaborate with teachers and guardians, yet lacks clarity on their recruitment, employment status, and funding sources. Speculations arise about potential inclusion of RSS activists in these roles.

This model grants financial autonomy to institutions, potentially leading to more self-financing courses, fee hikes, and cuts in scholarships. It seems geared towards producing homogenous 'commodities' for the Indian market, rather than fostering critical thinking.

The proposal envisions smart digital classrooms, though a majority of Indians lack basic technological infrastructure. Amid a pandemic, student struggles, and financial hardships, the policy fails to address relief measures.

Notably absent are mentions of the need for secular education, student unions, or the preservation of campus democracy. The vision of a homogenized education system requires high-quality infrastructure—a distant reality in India. The underlying agenda of NEP 2020 appears centered on the commodification, centralisation, and communalisation of Indian education.

Adivasi areas face a significant lack of educational facilities, exacerbated by prolonged Covid-related school closures and inadequate government spending. The extended closures have led to increased learning gaps, dropouts, child marriages, and child labour among adivasi children. Insufficient efforts post-reopening have resulted in persistent learning deficits, with fewer students receiving irregular scholarships. The 2023-24 budget allocated a mere 0.053 per cent for the education of Scheduled Tribes. Also, the BJP-led government's adoption of the New Education Policy has infringed upon the educational rights of adivasi students. Numerous schools in adivasi regions have been either shuttered or amalgamated, justified as the "rationalisation of small schools for improved efficiency." The closures are particularly notable in remote, sparsely-populated areas predominantly inhabited by adivasis. From 2017-18 to 2022-23, there has been a substantial reduction in schools in Assam, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal. This has not only deprived adivasi children in secluded hamlets of educational access but has also paved the way for the privatisation of education. Conditions in a majority of schools and hostels where adivasi students study and reside are deplorable. The student-teacher ratio is highly unfavourable, placing a significant burden on the limited number of teachers. Frequently, learning materials are unavailable in the mother tongue of adivasi children, posing significant pedagogical challenges at the primary level.

REALITY OF 'KOTA FACTORY'!

Suicide among students in India is a deeply alarming issue with concerning statistics. The intense financial pressure and competitive environment contribute significantly to the mental health challenges faced by students.
Data reveals a disturbing rise in student suicides. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), in 2019, there were over 10,000 student suicides in the country. This figure underscores the urgent need for addressing the mental health crisis within educational institutions.

For example, lakhs of students come to Rajasthan’s coaching hub Kota every year with dreams of getting into some of the country’s most prestigious colleges or educational institutions but many soon find themselves bogged down by hectic routines, peer pressure and the burden of expectations which pushes them to end their lives. The recent implementation of NEET also increased such incidents. As many as 23 students have reportedly died by suicide in Kota this year; 15 took the extreme step in 2022, one in 2021, four in 2020, eight in 2019, 12 in 2018, and 10 in 2017.

We can see an alternative policy was adopted in China. China has started huge crackdown against private coaching business and edtech industries in their country. In curtailing private tutoring, the government seemed to have multiple goals: rein in unchecked capital in the educational system, relieve pressure on overworked students and parents and address the sluggish birth rate (under a premise that less money spent on tutoring would mean a greater incentive to have babies).

The parliamentary elections are approaching us in 2024 and 2025 will mark the 100th anniversary of the world's largest fascist organisation which controls the BJP government in power. The attitude of BJP-led union government towards education has become more apparent than ever before. They not only aim to undermine and dismantle the public education system but also seek to replace it with a communal destructive scheme that fundamentally contradicts the constitutional vision of education. The BJP government have even initiated attempts to remove the name of the country, INDIA from text books. We envision an education system that will make us employable, where theory and practice will be interconnected and will jointly question the age-old exclusionary ideologies, where education will engage with social reality and uphold the principles of reason and scientific temper.

In this context, 16 students' organisations including Students' Federation of India (SFI) share serious concern and suspect that Sangh parivar forces may escalate their attacks on the education sector and democratic, secular and progressive values of our country. Given this challenging backdrop, it becomes imperative to sustain the momentum of the ongoing student movements. So, 16 students organisations decided to form a united platform. And we also extend a warm invitation to all like-minded student organisations and individuals to join us in the 'Delhi Rally' on January 12, 2024 and 'Chennai Rally' on February 1, 2024.

Let us stand together and work towards a brighter, more inclusive future for our education system.

We demand the following as the first step to it:

1. Reject National Education Policy 2020 and NEET.

2. Enact Bhagat Singh National Employment Guarantee Act- Ensure education and employment for all.

3. Resist fee hikes and ensure free, quality education from kindergarten to post-graduation.

4. Resist communalisation- commercialisation- centralisation of education. Uphold the democratic secular progressive scientific temperament in education.

5. Protect and create rights and opportunities for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Castes, and other marginalised groups in education and employment. Implement reservation policy in private sector.

6. Enact Rohith Act and stop discrimination on the basis of caste and economical status.

7. Establish GSCASH in every campus- Make all educational institutions free from sexual harassment and gender discrimination. Form committees against sexual harassment as directed by the Supreme Court in all educational institutions.

8. Conduct students' union elections in all campuses. Ensure democratic rights of the academic community.