Karnataka: Will BJP get ‘Another Chance to End Corruption’!?
Vasanth N K
THE schedule for Karnataka assembly election is yet to be announced. Obviously many more ‘inaugurations’ (e.g., Bangalore-Mysore Expressway by PM on March 12) and ‘announcements’ are to be made, before model code of conduct comes into force. The chief minister has announced an ‘agreement’ made with Foxcann for manufacturing iPhones which will provide one lakh jobs, and this agreement was promptly denied by Foxconn. Although later, both wriggled out with some ‘clarifications’, more such announcements are in the pipeline. While the EC has not given any indication of the schedule, BJP MP G M Siddeshwar announcing PM Modi’s rally at Davangere on March 25, stated that this will be PM Modi’s last pre-election rally and after that the election schedule would be announced!
‘END OF CORRUPTION’ OR ‘END OF INVESTIGATION’!?
Two more developments were reported last week that would deepen the anti-incumbency sentiments against the BJP government. Lokayukta police has filed a case of corruption against the BJP MLA Madal Virupakshappa, who is also chairperson of KSDL (Karnataka Soaps and Detergents Limited), manufacturer of the famous Mysore Sandal soap. He went missing after his son, Prashanth Madal, was caught red-handed by the Lokayukta police taking a bribe of Rs 40 lakh on behalf of his father from a businessman in the KSDL office. Unaccounted Rs 8 crore cash and valuables were also seized from his office and home. Lokayukta is investigating allegations of bribes for favours in the tender purchase of chemicals for KSDL valued at hundreds of crores of rupees. Incidentally while the MLA is still absconding, he got an anticipatory bail! This comes few days after Home Minister Amit Shah asked for ‘another chance to end corruption in the state’. But, latest reports of sudden transfer of two senior Lokayukta police officers investigating the case suggest ‘end of investigation’. Also after the anticipatory bail was granted, the MLA appeared from his hideout and was taken in a procession and felicitated by the party workers. This has shocked the people so much that even the advocates association led by a BJP leader has written a strong letter to the chief justice questioning this grant of anticipatory bail.
Next is, the Bommai government gave a parting gift to workers of the state! It got passed an amendment to the Factories Act of 1948 in its application in the state to allow industries to extend working hours for upto 12 hours a day. Amendments also included allowing women to work on night shift. This amendment is a befitting finale to the three anti-farmer laws, three anti-worker laws and two anti-people laws gifted earlier by the BJP government.
Continuing the spree of anti-people laws pushed by the BJP in the state, the anti-conversion law ironically called ‘The Karnataka Protection of Right to Freedom of Religion Act 2022’, violates some of the fundamental rights of citizens. Although part of the Sangh brigade’s attacks mainly directed at Muslim and Christian minorities, it attacks the right to religion, right to choose a marriage partner, right to live with dignity, right to privacy of all citizens. It legitimises and empowers vigilante violence being perpetrated in the name of love jihad, forcible conversion etc. Apart from allowing anyone to complain, and putting the burden of proof on accused rather than the complainant, it includes marriage-related provisions that were already stayed by some state high courts and duly amended. The Act is already being used by the Sangh brigade cadres to harass minorities.
Implementing the New Education Policy 2020 in a tearing hurry, not seen even in other major BJP states, is a high priority for Karnataka government. The education minister is the minister who is always in the news and always for the wrong reasons. He made incessant crude attempts at communalising education by trying to introduce Bhagavad Gita, ‘moral education’, Saraswati vandana, dhyana classes, Saatvik food (free of garlics and egg) and text books removing writings of progressive writers and secular content. He also indulged in many quixotic decisions like introducing public exams for fifth and eighth classes without any consultation with experts, disrupting school education.
Similar hurry was shown in introducing four year degree course with accompanying choice of flexible and exotic elective subjects without any preparation of curriculum, text books and teacher training/re-orientation. This has helped private colleges/universities (which were already on this path) gain ground against government colleges/universities which were totally unprepared for it. The government was keen to establish many new private universities but could not, being caught in pressures, counter-pressures of various castes and other lobbies. Meanwhile, the government and Kannada medium schools, are being starved of infrastructure and other resources, and are being closed in the name of forming ‘cluster schools’. Repeated attempts are being made to move pre-school education from anganwadi kendras to the ‘cluster schools’. Kannada is being pushed out of school as well as higher education giving way to imposition of Hindi, Sanskrit through backdoor.
NO SPACE FOR DEMOCRATIC EXPRESSION
Unprecedented suppression of democratic expression, dissent and democratic struggles has been another hallmark of the present BJP state government. BBMP governing Bangalore metropolitan area is without an elected body for the last two and half years. BJP was always afraid of losing BBMP elections and its impact on the then fragile state government. It postponed elections on some or the other pretext despite several deadlines by High Court and Supreme Court. It has been making delimitation of wards and re-ordering reservation of wards in BBMP for OBC/SC/ST representation as a convenient pretext. It has been cunningly utilising the genuine litigation on these two issues to avoid elections to the BBMP. BJP historically has been weak in local body polls. Hence it has also used the same ploy to postpone elections in other local bodies as well.
Demonstrations, protests, processions, hartals, rasta roko, strikes, bandhs or any public gatherings were banned or severely restricted during the Covid pandemic utilising the situation prevailing then. But such restrictions continue even now. All such democratic expressions continue to be restricted by imposing new interpretations and severe implementation of laws, rules and procedures. For example, in Bangalore all protests and other public expressions/actions (even cultural performances like plays) need to take prior written permission of the jurisdiction Police Station now. Earlier information was enough. Permission is required now even for closed door venues like halls or own offices. While granting such permission also, details are sought about the speaker and what the speech is about. If the personality or subject is ‘political’ even for a book release or literary seminar, permission is denied. Any actions in offices, factories even within their own premises (which are not public places) also are subject to the same rule.
In general, no permission is given for any such public gathering and expression in any public space except in Freedom Park in the entire city of Bangalore. Processions are nearly completely banned except on rare occasions. May Day procession was also not allowed, except last year when workers took out procession defying the police dictates. Recently in the struggle conducted by anganwadi workers at Freedom Park with prior police permission, leaders of the union were slapped criminal cases after the struggle concluded with government agreeing to their main demands. In many city and district centres too, the situation is the same with varying degrees. In some district centres, flags with hammer and sickle were not allowed in the May Day processions, indicating that it as a flag of a political party and permission will not be granted for a political rally.
However many public actions continue defying such restrictions. Democratic struggles continue to be conducted. But the state government is stubborn in not listening, negotiating, let alone agreeing to any of the demands. It also emboldens and supports private employers/organisations to turn deaf ears to people’s demands. Everyday 8-10 state level protests take place at Freedom Park in Bangalore. Hardly any problem is solved. For many state level struggles for which people reach Bangalore, police obstruct or prevent them from travelling or arrest them in districts. At the slightest hint of public action, Section 144 is imposed or draconian laws are invoked. A TU leader leading a workers struggle was charged with violating National Disaster Management Act!
MEDIA AND CULTURE CAPTURED
Critique of the government and the ruling party, expressing diverse opinions and democratic dissent requires a vibrant robust media. But media has been suppressed and severely restricted by buying, bribing, co-opting of ‘flexible’ traditional and social media organisations and journalists, and/or suppressing and finishing off ‘defiant’ ones. A recent report that editors and senior journalists in major media outlets received Diwali gifts from the state government which included up to Rs 1-2 lakhs cash, proves the point. Private Kannada TV news channels have either been bought by BJP politicians or Sangh supporters or the owner has been (willingly or otherwise) co-opted. Some channels have been infiltrated by BJP/Sangh supporters and ultimately ended up in controlling it irrespective of the owner. Some channels whose owners and personnel were defiant, have been suppressed and closed by using State agencies or other force. Today there is no Kannada TV news channel that exists which is critical of the BJP and its government. Most channels not only support every action/policy of the BJP party and government, but also hound out any person, group or party opposing or expressing slightest dissent. The situation in print media is also nearly same, except for one or two dailies holding onto primary media functions. In news based social media (websites, You Tube channels etc) situation is somewhat better. Many outlets carry critique of the government and ruling party and provide platform for diversity of opinions and dissent. But in the reach, they are still crowded out by those directly controlled or co-opted by the Sangh/BJP.
The current BJP government compared to earlier ones is also unabashed about packing (by appointing, nominating or pushing) Sangh/BJP supporters into academic, cultural institutions, bodies such as academies, universities, without giving space to (and where necessary removing) persons of any other opinion. It was done violating, overlooking (or modifying as required) prescribed qualifications, qualities, norms, rules, and procedures. This had to be done because there are hardly any accomplished writers, artists, experts, academics from the right-wing who qualify for the positions at such bodies. Such appointees have swung into action, following Sanghi communal agenda with full vigour. For example, Rangayana (repertoire founded by renowned B V Karnath and headed by giants such as Prasanna) created a crassly communal play “Real dreams of Tipu Sultan’ and 100 shows of it are being staged before the elections. Even when few months are left of this government, such appointments have been made where end of the tenure has been reached, which generally the governments refrain from doing.
