SINCE the 33rd conference of the Kisan Sabha, a new trend emerged in the peasant movement. Kisan Sabha always stressed on the need for independent movements as it strengthens the organisation, spreads its influence, creates confidence within the organisation and helps to draw other organisations towards a united struggle. This led to the slogan of “Kisan Sabha in all villages and all kisans in Kisan Sabha”. The entire history of AIKS proved it. But AIKS gave equal importance to building a united kisan movement. This was limited by and large to bringing together leftist organisations as there was a common understanding on the issues for struggle and some sort of ideological closeness. Much attention, however, was not given to bringing other sections of kisan organisations towards a common movement. Rather there were some reservations within the left kisan movement in this regard. There was anxiety to maintain class affinity and fear of ideological dilution, although the Benaras Kisan Conference identified certain issues for broadening the movement and to look at the demands of the middle and rich peasants due to a change in situation. Maintaining our basic approach to fight for the demands and needs of poor peasant, landless peasants, agricultural workers and rural poor, we should not ignore the new conflicts developing in the society among richer sections of the peasantry with the state economic policies and their demands related to prices of crops, indebtedness, cost of production and imports, marketing, transportation, storage subsidies, etc.

JOINT MOVEMENTS

Though the AIKS and other kisan movement demanded changes in the agrarian policies against the aggressive pursuance of neo-liberal policies during the first decade of the twenty-first century, some positive changes came during the UPA government such as enactment of the Forest Rights Act-2006, MNREGA, the Land Acquisition Act of 2013, and the Swaminathan Commission Report. But those policies were not fully implemented and, in the meantime, the UPA government was defeated and the Narendra Modi dispensation assumed office. The corporate capital helped Modi to come to power so that he could help them to corner the economy and just so happened. The corporate, communal and fascistic authoritarian government was established in the country and it started pursuing neo-liberal policy with vengeance. The first salvo came in the form of the Land Acquisition Ordinance in 2014 to undo the limited benefits of the 2013 Land Acquisition Act for farmers. A large number of mass and social organisations joined hands and the movement continued for three years. In the process the first broader platform, called ‘Bhoomi Adhikar Andolan’, emerged with more than 70 organisations. We succeeded in building public opinion among farmers and other sections against this ordinance. 

As the BAA movement was going on, the Modi government unleashed a new attack on farmers. Modi promised in hundreds of election meetings that if he came to power, he would implement all recommendations of the Swaminathan Commission for ensuring minimum support price and one-time loan waiver for all farmers. But suddenly he went back on his promises and submitted an affidavit to the Supreme Court that his government cannot pay price of crops as per the Swaminathan Commission recommendations and also announced not giving loan waiver to farmers. The All India Kisan Sabha and many other organisations, campaigning on these two and other demands, joined hands and held a national convention in Delhi on June 20, 2017. Around 120 kisan organisations of different classes and ideologies joined the convention and a new broader and larger platform of kisan organisations emerged as the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee (AIKSCC). It declared nationwide struggle against the Modi government’s anti-farmer policies on two main demands -- MSP for all crops with guaranteed procurement law and one-time loan waiver for all farmers. Many more organisations came on board and about 250 such organisations under the leadership of AIKSCC joined the struggle. It was imperative in the given situation to join hands on issues in spite of many differences -- organisational, political and ideological.

While the AIKSCC struggle was going on, suddenly on June 5, 2020, a new attack was unleashed by Modi against the farmers of India. Without any consultation and discussion, the Modi government promulgated three black ordinances, to snatch the land from farmers and hand it over to the corporate. We understood the conspiracies and AIKS and AIKSCC called on the farmers to burn the copies of those black ordinances. In thousands of places farmers burnt those ordinances. AIKSCC started a movement against these ordinances. The AIKSCC convened a national convention against the black Acts on October 27, 2020 in Delhi. Along with 250 member organisations of AIKSCC, another 250 organisations participated in the convention. We proposed, as the purpose to oppose black Acts was the same and enemy was the same central government, we should build a united struggle. There was unanimous decision to organise a struggle together against those black Acts and for MSP for all corps and legal guarantee of their procurement. The convention gave a call for “Delhi Chalo” on November 26, 2020 jointly. Later on, it was decided that the movement would be conducted under the banner of Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM), a new joint platform of about 500 organisations. Then it was history. 

The kisan march started from different states to Delhi. Punjab had the biggest contingent, though other states like Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttarakhand also joined. On the same day, 10 Central Trade Union gave the call for Bharat Bandh in support of the farmers’ demands as well as against four labour codes passed by the Modi government to enslave the workers to the corporate. A new chapter of worker-peasant joint struggle was opened. 

Lakhs of farmers – men and women -- sat on dharna peacefully. There were several attacks on the farmers. Water and sanitation facilities and electricity supply were not given. Farmers were demonised as Khalistani, Pakistani or Chinese agents, Maoist terrorists etc. All the government’s pet media echoed the government’s propaganda and campaign of lies of the BJP-RSS. But farmers were undaunted. This was the longest and largest democratic movement in India since independence. This was the most peaceful movement of farmers. This was also the most united mass movement in our history. About 500 organisations led the struggle without any difference. The government played many tricks such as false propaganda and blame games to divide the movement and used communal tactics and even the Supreme Court to break the movement. But all were in vain. Every conspiracy failed. Even using the pretext of violence on Republic Day to attack the movement has also failed. Finally, ahead of the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections, Modi suddenly and unilaterally withdrew these black Acts on November 19, 2021. This was the biggest victory of farmers of India against the anti-farmer, anti-national, fascistic government. Finally, we defeated the most powerful autocrat. It created tremendous enthusiasm among farmers and people. We achieved massive support in our 384-day long struggle, from workers, women, students, youths, employees and people at large. All of them were encouraged. Those who thought Modi cannot be defeated, this victory of the kisan movement proved if we were united, determined and peaceful, we can defeat any enemy. This encouraged the entire democratic forces of the country. It was unique, historic, a source of inspiration for future movements. 

LESSONS FOR

FUTURE STRUGGLE

The above struggles in a changed situation demonstrated the correctness of the 34th conference declaration: “Issue-based united struggle to resist the agrarian crisis”.  And, “Kisan Sabha in every village and every kisan in Kisan Sabha.” A strong, independent Kisan Sabha on one hand and a broader united struggle on the other were the direction of the last conference. Finally, the conference appealed: “We have to make serious efforts to strengthen the unity of the peasantry and workers-peasant alliance.” The conference also directed AIKS to “help peasantry in a big way to challenge the corporatisation of agriculture and develop cooperative as a potential alternative.”

The experiences of the last few years showed the sincere efforts of AIKS to implement the above directions. We built the broadest possible united struggle with the broadest possible united platform which enabled the farmers to put pressure on the unscrupulous authoritarian enemy to bend. This process was adopted by joint movements of farmers, workers, students, youths and women. Then the largest kisan movement developed in the form of AIKSCC and SKM-led struggles.

The initial impact of the COVID-19 pandemic caused a slowdown of mass struggle and decline in the organisation. But our planned movement and activities regained our strength, activated our organisational functions at village/tehsil, district and state levels. As a result, the depleted membership of Kisan Sabha recovered and reached 1,37,00,000.

Another decision to expand and boost the organisation achieved considerable success during this period in the formation of crop-wise federations and sub-committees. This process would increase Kisan Sabha activities more intensely and bring large sections to its fold. The re-activation of P Sundarayya Memorial Trust also helped the kisan movement and the organisation during this period. The research and publication on the kisan movement would be strengthened further by this effort in the coming days.

The 34th conference evaluated the impact of neo-liberal policies after 25 years of their implementation. The AIKS, for the first time in its 27th conference, explained the danger of these policies when all other kisan and other organisations were supporting it. And, AIKS was proved correct. Now the task to intensify the struggle against that policy would be the important task of the upcoming 35th conference.

After the preliminary review of the SKM movement, AIKS concluded that we took the movement to all parts of the country along with others, but the actions outside Delhi in different states were of solidarity in nature. So AIKS directed all states to build up real struggle in all states in the coming days. The united struggle of kisan and workers was the new achievement of democratic movement of India. AIKS played an important role in this development. How this new form to be strengthened, how it would be built in state, district and tehsil and village levels, how it would be the basic form of democratic movement as kisan-mazdoor unity, would be a new challenge before the kisan movement in the coming days. That road-map is to be prepared by our 35th conference.

Major works in agriculture are performed by women but they have no place in the organisation and leadership. This was discussed critically in different levels of the organisation. The sectarian attitude of many comrades on united struggles was adequately countered by our last few years’ struggles and experiences. Though it was achieved at the national level and percolated down to the state level to a large extent, it was yet to be overcome at lower levels. Actually, AIKS should have taken initiative in states and districts to contact other SKM constituents for implementing the SKM programme, but that did not happen. The 35th conference should see that this weakness is removed in future.

Though the last conference call for “Kisan Sabha in every village, every kisan in Kisan Sabha” was taken by the organisation with enthusiasm, its achievements were not unique. Finally, there is no alternative to independent organisation and movement. The plan to popularise new charter of demands, intensive campaign on our goal, to reach the last farmers in the village, to increase our mobilisation capacity to a great extent, bridge the gap between kisan and other sections of the society -- the youth, students, women, dalits, tribals and middle class -- are the steps to success. We should give up tokenism in our actions. We should stress on militant action to generate enthusiasm among our friends and to defeat the enemies of democracy.

The 35th conference will be held in Thrissur in Kerala from December 13-16. The AIKS stressed on holding conferences at ground levels and this time there were better achievements in this regard. Women delegations should be ensured and it was done to a better extent this time, though it still remained a matter of concern.  Women and younger comrades got entry in various committees. Discussions in conferences were reported to be better. All these should bring qualitative change in the 35th conference.

The AIKS decided that on the birth anniversary of Birsa Munda, the legendary fighter against British imperialism and feudal oppressors, on November 15 “Flag Day” will be observed in all villages across the country and AIKS flags will be hoisted. The conference flag will come in procession from Punnapra Vayalar and the flagpole procession from Kayyur will reach Thrissur on December 12. One torchlight (mashal) jatha led by AIKS finance secretary P Krishna Prasad from Jangaon, the site of Telangana armed peasant struggle and village of first martyr Doddi Komaraiah, and another jatha led by AIKS joint secretary Vijoo Krishnan from Keezhvenmani, the site of the massacre of 44 dalit agricultural workers by high caste feudal landlords and their goons, will converge in Salem and pay tribute to Salem jail martyrs. The jatha will move up to the conference venue in Thrissur by December 12 with meetings in different places. On December 16, the conference will conclude with a rally and public meeting. Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan will inaugurate the farmers’ rally in Thrissur.