WEST BENGAL: Nandigram: Conspiracy Unravelled
Debasish Chakraborty
One of the tragic incidents occurred on March 14, 2007 when police firing took place in Nandigram. Before that, an entire area was practically taken into control by TMC-Maoists and other forces under the banner of the Bhumi Ucched Protirodh Committee. Roads were cut off, all government offices were forced to close, no public service could be provided and a large number of people were chased away.
All these activities happened despite the fact that the then chief minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee had openly declared that no land would be acquired if people do not agree. “Industry will not be brought in exchange for people’s tears”, he told at a public meeting in Heria, close to Nandigram in February 2007. After this, it was clear that the agitation was no more for land, but for political anarchy.
The state government had declared that the police will go there to restore normalcy. It was not a sudden development, but an openly announced administrative decision asking people to co-operate in restoring law and order. There was a clash on March 14, and several people died.
In the run-up to this year’s elections, Mamata Banerjee claimed at an election meeting that on that day police entered Nandigram with the backing from Suvendu Adhikari and his father, TMC MP Sisir Adhikari. She even exposed the role of so-called ‘sandal-wearing police’ and said they were actually Suvendu’s forces. These people took part in the firing.
The story did not end there. Sisir Adhikari, who had recently joined the BJP, retorted by saying, it was Mamata under whose instructions, outsiders were brought into Nandigram and given arms training. Adhikari exposed that the so-called fighters (actually anti-social elements) were brought from Kanthi, Midnapore, Bankura, and Purulia and were trained in using arms. Some of them died after the clash and their bodies were removed.
From the day one, it was evident that all those who clashed with the police were not local people. Secondly, it was not only police, but firing was done from other sides too. Thirdly, some people who were killed had injuries in their back though the police were in one part of the area. At least three persons had bomb injuries. The mayhem that followed resulted in the killing of 28 CPI(M) leaders and supporters, and hundreds were forced to leave their villages.
The real story of Nandigram is yet to unravel. But Mamata-Suvendu duel has at least unleashed questions that were long asked but not answered. CBI enquiry was held and it concluded that the police followed rules and tried to restore the rule of law. In interesting twists, Mamata Banerjee did not allow the then police officers to appear for CBI interrogation after she became the chief minister. One police officer, who led the police on that day, in fact, joined the TMC after retirement. Some others were promoted during her tenure. But Mamata never refrained from using Nandigram as a political tool for the campaign and using it for hate-mongering against CPI(M).
Nandigram has witnessed TMC terror from 2007, which was accentuated after the TMC formed a government in the state. No political activity of the opposition was allowed for more than 10 years. There was a one-party rule and the opposition, at every stage, was not allowed to stand in elections or vote. In 2016, Suvendu Adhikari won with a margin of more than one lakh votes in Nandigram assembly constituency. It saw near-total booth capturing. The crack in the TMC and the exit of Suvendu Adhikari from the TMC, has changed the situation. In the elections, Suvendu went for an open communal campaign and branded a large part of the Nandigram population as ‘Bangladeshis’. In the counter communalisation, Mamata Banerjee took recourse to all kinds of religious symbolism, thus vitiating the atmosphere. The so-called votaries of a ‘mass movement’ in Nandigram and their revered idols have exposed not only themselves but the entire sordid machination.
CPI(M) candidate, Minakshi Mukherjee, along with the dedicated Left activists of the area who faced a lot of suffering, exposed this conspiracy and conducted an intensive campaign. Sanjukta Morcha campaign was based on the issues of employment, the future of the youth, remunerative price for the peasantry and the democratic rights of the people. It was a heroic campaign and had attracted not only the people of Nandigram but of the entire state. For the first time in at least ten years, the people of Nandigram could exercise their voting rights and cast their own votes. According to Minakshi Mukherjee, this was what the fight was for.