THE signing of the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) for geo-spatial cooperation at the 2+2 meeting of the United States and Indian defence and foreign ministers in New Delhi must have been a moment of deep satisfaction for the US establishment and the Pentagon. 

What began as a project to enlist India as a strategic ally of the United States three decades ago has reached fruition with the signing of the last of the so-called foundational agreements on October 27, 2020.

The whole venture began in April 1991 when Admiral Kicklighter, commander of the US Pacific fleet visited India and laid the groundwork for military cooperation.  In 1992, during the Narasimha Rao government, for the first time, a military steering committee was set-up “to establish the basis for a long term army-to-army relationship”. The same year saw the beginning of the annual “Malabar” naval exercises off the West coast. 

From then onwards, successive governments in India have been prodded and encouraged by successive US administrations to join the US bandwagon as a military ally in Asia.

In 1995, the Narasimha Rao government signed the Agreed Minutes on Defence Cooperation with the United States. This was followed by the Vajpayee government in 2002 concluding an agreement called the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA). This is an agreement that binds each side to respect the security of information shared by the other, thereby creating confidence for technology transfer and greater intelligence sharing. 

After the UPA government came to power in 2004, the military cooperation with the United States was taken to a higher level with the singing of the Defence Framework Agreement in June 2005 when the then defence minister Pranab Mukherjee visited the United States. 

All the military agreements and steps for “interoperability” and maritime security have flowed out of this framework agreement. This agreement was for a ten-year period and it was renewed in June 2015 by the Modi government. 

The India-US civilian nuclear deal was signed as a quid pro quo by the US for cementing the strategic and military relationship. This was what was objected to by the CPI(M) and the Left which culminated in the withdrawal of support to the government in July 2008. 

The Modi government has shown itself to be most eager and decisive in advancing the strategic alliance and the military partnership.  The government has signed all the three “foundational agreements” – LEMOA (2016), COMCASA (2018) and BECA (2020) with the US.

Narendra Modi signed on to the “Joint Strategic Vision for Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region” during President Obama’s visit to India in January 2015.  After Trump became president, the tempo increased with India becoming a full-fledged partner in the Indo-Pacific strategy of the United States and the upgrading of the Quad in 2019 comprising the United States, Japan, Australia and India.

The Pentagon had commissioned a study by one of the think-tanks affiliated to it.  The report was called the “Indo-US Military Relationship: Expectations and Perceptions” and came out in October 2002.  The study concludes presciently: “We want a friend in 2020 that will be capable of assisting the US military to deal with a Chinese threat.  We cannot deny that India will create to countervailing force to China”.  The target of 2020 has been met. 

The geo-political designs of US imperialism towards India have succeeded because of a conjuncture of international and national factors. Within India, the ruling classes began to view a strategic alliance with the United States as a necessity. This shift was brought about in 1991-92 in a period which witnessed the dismantling of the Soviet Union and the setback to socialism; the abandonment of State-sponsored capitalist development and the turn towards liberalisation and neoliberalism; and the steady rise of the rightwing Hindutva forces. 

Thus, the strategic alliance with the United States encompassed the economic, military and strategic spheres. That is why, from the time of the Narasimha Rao-led Congress government to the Vajpayee-led BJP coalition government to the Manmohan Singh-led UPA government and finally the Modi-led BJP government – all have subscribed to the ruling class approach of pursuing a strategic alliance with the United States. 

The only difference is that the BJP, when in government, has been more pro-imperialist and more willing to accept a subordinate status.

The military and strategic tie-up with the United States has gladdened big business, the strategic community, the corporate media and other influential sections in India.  Some of them, who had reservations earlier, have come around in support stating that India had no other option given the Chinese aggression on the border.  But a close study of events would show that this is not the case.

Every step to build the military alliance with the US took place independent of and prior to any border tensions with China. For instance, the Doklam incident occurred in 2017, but India had signed the crucial Logistics Supply Agreement (LEMOA) in 2016. 

Even before the Galwan incident in June and the current standoff, the BECA negotiations had reached its final stage.  During Trump’s visit to India in February, 2020, the joint statement said: “The leaders look forward to early conclusion of defence cooperation enabling agreements, including Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement”.

More and more, the military and security basis of the relationship came to the fore.  The 2+2 ministerial format was initially of the foreign and commerce ministers of the two countries.  But, in 2017, President Trump suggested to Modi that the format be changed by replacing the commerce ministers with defence Ministers of the two countries.  The issues concerning trade and related economic matters were set aside and as per the Trump administration’s desire, the focus became purely military and security.

In this last 2+2 meeting with the Trump administration, the issues of trade in which hostile measures were taken like the removal of preferential treatment for Indian goods and the restrictions on H1-B visas were not taken up.

The Modi government has deliberately forged this military alliance which, as United States leaders have said time and again, is directed against China. As for the Quad, the US spokesmen make no bones about its military character.

1991-92 was a watershed period.  It saw the advent of neoliberal policies, the rise of Hindutva (the demolition of Babri Masjid) and the beginnings of the strategic-military collaboration with US imperialism. This trinity has reached its apogee under the Modi regime. 

Before embarking on his trip to India to attend the 2+2 meeting, the US defence secretary, Mark T Esper in a speech to the Atlantic Council on October 20 said: “India will be the most consequential partner for us, I think, in the Indo-Pacific for sure in this century”. 

By becoming such a “consequential” ally of US imperialism, Narendra Modi has done India a big disservice.