Vol. XLII No. 12 March 25, 2018
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Bahujan Left Front for Alternative Values

S Veeraiah

THE responses and protests against the murders of Madhukar in Manthani and Naresh and Swathi in Yadadri-Bhongir (district) in Telangana have provided two different experiences. There was a wide response on the murder of Naresh and Swathi. People from Hyderabad and other places responded to this incident in a big way. The murder of Madhukar was also sensational but it did not evoke a wide response. These two are caste related murders. But protests were not the same. Naresh belonged to MBC community and the murder was committed by the upper caste families.  Dalits, tribals and BCs unitedly protested against this attack. In Manthani, a dalit was murdered by a BC family and the kind of response that came from dalit and Left organisations did not come from BC organisations against this murder. The issue of caste discriminations is very complex. The discrimination will continue as long as we think within the periphery of caste. Our responses should be beyond the periphery of caste walls. Discriminations, wherever it is, should be questioned. "I will not tolerate discrimination against me but I will practise discrimination against certain sections" – this attitude can never give a solution to caste discrimination. This is the inherent character of the hierarchical caste system.This will go on as long as caste exists. The yearning for existence and recognitions will give rise to these kinds of consequences only.

SLOGANS OF STRUGGLE

All BCs do not get the same kind of recognition. The condition of MBCs is pathetic.  The conditions of the nomadics who are at the lowest bottom of MBCs is very pitiful. The names of certain castes have been transformed into abusive words. The MBCs who live in villages are considered to be better than the nomadic sections but it has become common to abuse people by taking the names of certain castes.The hierarchical caste system ensures that one feels proud of his relatively higher position than some others, but he himself is subjected to discrimination by people positioned at a higher level than him. Thus caste discrimination is not practised by upper castes alone. The depth of the poisonous seeds planted by the ideology of Manu is very deep and intense. No two castes have the same status. The society has been split into various fragments. This is the reason for the continued dominance of the upper castes in the rural areas though their number is very less. In most of the cases, the BCs are pitted against the dalits in the villages. There are certain very low castes who face discrimination from backward sections. The slogan of unity against upper castes will not enthuse many because of this reason. Economic exploitation, social oppression and equitable justice should be our slogans for struggle and this will enthuse people into struggles.

REFORMS OR STRUGGLES

The struggle on economic issues will be straight and direct. All the suffering masses will join the struggle path. On social issues, Manuvad has built walls between the people. It has created mental blocks also. Here the question comes whether to take the path of struggle or the path of reforms. We can fight caste discrimination but inter caste marriages do not happen with struggles. Love should bloom between man and woman and they should be ready for a wedlock. Then only the issue of fight for getting married comes into the fore. Hence the efforts, struggles and reforms in social sector should continue. In fact there are no struggles without reforms. In the same way, there are no reforms without struggles. There will be obstacles for those who want to reform society. These obstacles have to be overcome by struggles only. So struggles and reforms should continue jointly. Efforts have to be made for this by the people concerned. Inter caste and inter religious marriages are essential part of the reform movement.

MODERN PATH

In the olden times, some castes had their own priests and this worked as a self-respect for that caste.  This was normal for the olden times. But in this lies an element of acceptance of the ideology of the supremacy of Brahmanism. This was done to demonstrate that we can also perform the duties of the priest class.  This applies to the recognition of the caste also. There is an urge to demonstrate the greatness of the caste by suffixing the name of the caste to the names of the individuals.  But the ideology of Brahmanism itself is an obstacle for progress. Manuvad is an impediment for the progress of the society. Caste system obstructs advancement. In the times of monarchs and feudal lords, there was no chance to express opinions and ideas which are against the ideas of kings and feudal lords. The anger against kings and oppressors was expressed in the name of Gods in those times and these were the struggle forms of that period. The effort to recite the mythologies of the caste and the claim of monarchic roots of the caste come under this kind only. These are the attempts of the oppressed castes to demonstrate their claim of greatness. Today we are in a modern society. Democratic values have come to the fore. Science and technology has developed. Economic systems have acquired modern forms. Modern classes have evolved. Modern ideologies have become weapons. The bonds of identity and existence cannot protect us today. The links of oppression have to be broken today. The anti-discrimination links have to become the string of the garland today.  We have to move forward towards the goal of welfare, equitable justice and comprehensive development.

WE HAVE TO BURY THE DOMINANT VALUES

We have to promote alternative values today. We have to question everyone who practises discrimination. Some say at least some from the oppressed castes, by hook or crook, should come up in life. Dominant classes followed this only. Corruption, bias, exploitation, oppression, discrimination – these are the values of dominant classes. Cooperation, love, equality, respect for work, self-respect, honesty, unity, commitment and mutual respect are the innate values of bahujans. The values of the dominant classes cannot be the ideals for the bahujans and they should never become the ideals of the bahujans. Alternative values should be the basis for the alternative movement. We should not get into the values stabilised by the dominant classes. We should establish alternative values.

IN THE CONTEXT OF GROWING GAP: In the process of globalisation, the emerging middle class among the socially oppressed has become closer to the ruling classes.  That was a special phase. It was a time when the gap between the social organisations and communists increased. Caste and occupation had blended together for the most part of the pre-independence times. After independence, there was growth in the industrial sector and there was also the expansion of the government departments. This resulted in the growth of the middle class. Reservations in education, employment and to some extent in politics were a new phenomenon. This paved the way for emergence of middle class from the weaker sections. This also resulted in class division within castes.  During this period there was also a huge tussle in the communist movement over the assessment of the character of the ruling classes. It could not concentrate on the new changes that were evolving in the social sphere. It concentrated on political and economic struggles only.  On the other hand, the ruling classes focussed on vote bank politics. They adopted a strategy of making friendship and pampering the sections of oppressed classes which have developed and benefited from the reservations. The strategies of the ruling classes and at the same time the feeling that the communists are not focussing on the social issues has increased the gap between the social forces and the communists. In the meantime, the Soviet Union collapsed and this gave a big jolt. With this, the hopes on Soviet Union which was an ideal for many of the youth, have receded. The effect of this on the educated youth and middle class sections of weaker sections was also very huge and enormous. The neoliberal economic policies and the surge of capitalism also had its impact on these sections. The ruling classes also moved their pawns and planned their strategies in tune with these developments. The ruling classes poured love on these oppressed sections by exploiting their urge for demonstration of their identities and longing for recognition.  They tried to increase the misconceptions and doubts that these sections had for communists. All these resulted in a temporary gap between the social sections and the communists.This is not the result of enmities. This is the result of agony and anguish. The effort of the ruling classes to make the temporary gap permanent did not fructify. The natural bond can never change into enmity. The results of the two decade long struggle against caste discrimination in the united Andhra Pradesh point out to this phenomenon only. The updated programme of the CPI(M) has given much more clarity on the issue of caste. It has led to a nationwide focus on the social issues. The demand for reservation in private sector and the call of the CPI(M) to intensify class struggle in social sector has increased the efforts in this direction. In Telangana, this has now been extended to the political arena also. There is now a churning in the middle class of the oppressed sections. They have to work not only for improving their conditions but have to organise the toiling classes and lead them into the struggle path. The middle class intelligentsia should stand by them for this cause.

THE HEARTBEAT OF TELANGANA

Left ideology has a strong foundation in the hearts of Telangana people. There are progressive elements in many parties. There are progressive people in all castes and in all religions. There is strong place for humanist and secular democratic values. We have a great unified legacy transcending the barriers of caste and religion in the "Comrades Association" which had its roots in Hyderabad.  This legacy we could find even in the initial stages of trade union movement and in the glorious Telangana armed struggle. The communist movement took up this legacy and it was natural for the movement to take the struggle path on the economic and social issues. The result of this legacy is the formation of Bahujan Left Front. The slogan of this front is to stop pleading. What we need today is the power of decision making. We want the power to implement. This is the slogan and task of the Bahujan Left Front.