In Germany, for the first time since the Second World War, a far right-wing party, Alternative for Germany (AfD) is emerging as a major political force. The growth of various right-wing parties in Europe, the latest being the AfD, has forced some commentators to call it as the 'spectre haunting Europe'. Some of the commentators had even started questioning the future of the Left as a political force in these changed circumstances. Of course, writing epitaphs for the Left in general and communists in particular, is nothing new in Europe.
Alternative for Germany (AfD) began four years ago as a small protest party against using German taxpayers’ money to bailout Greece. In the 2013 elections, it failed even to secure the requisite 5 percent vote to ensure its representation in the German national parliament, Bundestag. This year, in the various elections held to the provincial legislatures, it was able to consistently win 15-20 percent votes and now has its representatives in nine of the sixteen provinces. For the first time in the history of the ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU), which itself is considered as a centre-right party, a party further to its right has beaten it in the polls. According to opinion polls, in the coming days, AfD is going to gain representation even in the state assembly of Berlin, the national capital. Going by this trend, commentators predict that in the next elections to the Bundestag, the AfD will be sure to enter the parliament, a first for a far right-wing party since 1945, and might play an important role in the formation of the new government.

Three important factors
What led to this phenomenal growth of the AfD or for that matter any far right-wing party in Europe? Three important factors stand out for the growth of these parties – one, the deteriorating economic conditions of the people and the attack on the social welfare State that led to a growth in unemployment, poverty and hunger; two, the question of migrants, both within Europe and from outside Europe and three the loss of confidence on traditional parties.

AfD, for example, started its journey, trying to mobilise people against the usage of German taxpayers’ money for the bailout of crisis ridden countries like Greece, Spain and Portugal. With the deepening of economic crisis, it tried to tap into the growing discontent among the people against the economic policies that had adversely affected their livelihoods. A survey done in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern province, which is located in the former East Germany, found out that majority of the AfD voters were from the poorer parts of the state and are only moderately educated. In fact, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern is one of the poorest of all the German states, with the post-East German economy in shambles due to the collapse of its industries. Tourism and service economy, which replaced industries, failed to address the economic concerns of the people of the state. The current economic crisis further compounded their deprivation and the AfD fed on it.
With the influx of migrants into Europe from war torn countries life Syria, Libya, Afghanistan, Sudan, Iraq and others, the party expanded its agenda, assuming further right-wing extreme positions. It projected these 'others' as the immediate reason for a host of the economic problems engulfing German State. The AfD soon emerged as a rabidly anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim nationalist party. Frauke Perty, an AfD chairwoman, for instance, called for refugees to be 'shot at the borders'. As a party, they had adopted a manifesto declaring Islam not to be 'a part of Germany' and for the closure of all mosques in the country. The centre-right government led by Merkel, instead of confronting such sectarian positions, tried to appease by proposing a ban on burkas in schools and universities. Such compromises are further strengthening the AfD.
The AfD is trying to build a coalition of those classes who have lost out due to the 'austerity' policies by fanning xenophobic sentiments among them. The influx of refugees into Germany and the policies adopted by the German government are being conveniently used by them to spread racial hatred. 52 percent of the voters for AfD stated that they voted for the party out of their 'fear' of the refugees. Only 25 percent stated that they had voted for it as they support the party's agenda.
Another surprising and rather interesting finding of the survey is that 66 percent of the voters said that they had voted for AfD in order to punish the mainstream political parties. These mainstream political parties include not only the CDU and the social democratic SPD, but also Die Linke (The Left).
Die Linke, a party that is strong in the former East Germany was formed in 2007 after the merger of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) and the Electoral Alternative for Labour and Social Justice (WASG). It is considered to be 'extreme Left', in certain sections, mostly because many the former members of the Communist Party in East Germany constitute its base. Die Linke is in government in certain state assemblies like Brandenburg and Thuringia and earlier even in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern as a coalition partner with the SPD in some states and with the Greens in others.

Die Linke in power, is not perceived as any different from the other 'traditional' parties. In fact, it is considered as a party that pursues 'soft neo-liberal' policies and introduces certain reforms, albeit within the overall ambit of the neo-liberal philosophy. So it is also considered as a party of the 'establishment', rather than a party that fights against the establishment and for an alternative. The failure of the Left to capture the imagination of the people by projecting alternatives, protecting their independent identity, distinguishing themselves as separate from the parties of establishment and also counter the narratives of the growing right-wing forces, is reflected in the results. It is because of these reasons that Die Linke put up its worst performance in these elections, losing out to the AfD, particularly in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. An internal debate has started in the Die Linke about the strategies it needs to adopt to reverse the decline in its strength and also halt the growth of the right-wing parties like the AfD.

The developments post the collapse of the Soviet Union and the former socialist States in Europe and the increasing pace of neo-liberal globalisation have exposed the bankruptcy of social democratic parties in Europe. People found out that there is virtually no difference in the economic policies pursued by the social democrats and the conservatives. The current economic crisis further exposed the hollowness of the social democratic parties. All the major social democratic parties started rapidly losing their bases – the SPD in Germany saw its support fall to less than 20 percent; the Socialist Party of Hollande in France has a support of only 15 percent and similarly the Spanish social democratic party also saw its support base fall by more than a half. This is a reflection of the peoples' vexation towards these parties. It is in this background that people started either keeping themselves aloof from politics or started looking at new political forces that are challenging the traditional manner in which parties are run and politics are practiced.

Die Linke as we had seen above was founded in these circumstances. Similarly was the Syriza. The exposure of Syriza, which was projected a party of the 'new-left' had caused extreme dismay among many people who believed it as a genuine alternative to all the traditional parties. The manner in which Syriza capitulated to implement the neo-liberal agenda of 'austerity' and sell off State assets to private players has once again highlighted the limitations of such political forces. These parties enjoyed tremendous popular support as long as they were in the opposition and were actively mobilising people in struggles against the neo-liberal policies. But once in government, their failure to provide the alternatives they had been professing is proving to be their Waterloo. Moreover, their failure to explain the limitations of the present system and further rouse the consciousness of the people and bring them into struggles is also contributing to the loss of confidence among people.

The growth of AfD is compared by many to the growth of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), which is also a right-wing party and is against immigrants. Terming the growth of AfD as 'just the beginning', Nigel Farage the now retired leader of the UKIP states that AfD will have a 'similar effect on the Conservatives in Germany' as the UKIP had in Britain.
Many of these far right-wing parties are adopting a populist rhetoric like exiting from the European Union (EU). The communist parties also advocate an exit from the EU because it rides roughshod over national sovereignty, acts like a 'super State' dictating policies to elected governments in favour of finance Capital (capital with a big C) and has an utter disregard for the concerns of the working class and common people. But the far right does not advocate an exit from EU for these reasons – it wants an exit as EU is contributing to the flow of immigrants from former Eastern European countries to the West and now the refugees, predominantly from West Asia and North Africa. Thus, the popular anger arising out of the economic prescriptions of the EU is sought to be turned on its head by the far right, into an anger against the refugees, warranting an exit from the EU. The ruling classes too are comfortable with these positions as their economic hegemony and exploitation are not questioned by the far right and its growth. The narrative for an alternative to neo-liberal globalisation on the Left is about redistribution of resources and wealth to erase the inequalities; on the right it is about the place and belonging, with a mistrust of the outsiders.

Challenges before left
 The challenge of mobilising the people and winning their trust is more demanding for the Left than the Right. The right only desires to advance and safeguard the interests of the ruling classes and present day capitalist system. Moreover, it has the media, existing State institutions to lend it a helping hand to maintain the status quo. The far right only needs to choose between various forms or masks it needs to wear to win over people for this task.

On the other hand, the genuine Left, particularly communists, have before them the project of developing an alternative to neo-liberal globalisation and also transcend the capitalist system. This is an arduous task. To win the trust and confidence of the people, the Left should stand by its firm convictions and anti-establishment credentials, and inspire people to act for a change. As a party of movements and struggles, it should also inspire a vision for living through the implementation of the change that it professes, once granted that power.
It is only through the strengthening of the Left on the basis of its distinct and alternative platform, built on a staunch opposition to neo-liberal philosophy that the threat of right-wing offensive can be met squarely and defeated comprehensively.