The rule of the BJP government has been characterised by an intensified assault on the people of our country, reflected in the increasing economic offensive over the working class and other toiling sections on one hand and escalation in communal polarisation on the other. The Sangh Parivar has been attempting to re-asserts its views on India’s society and culture, a recent manifestation of which has been the declaration by the Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha that NathuramGodse, the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi, was a patriot and a nationalist, and the demand to have busts of Godse installed in public places across India.

It is in this context that the Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust (SAHMAT) and SFI joined hands to organise a festival in defence of secularism at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, on 30 January 2015. The festival was a moment when the campaigns of both SAHMAT and SFI to counter the insidious attempts to divide the country on communal lines converged.

The SAHMAT campaign draws particular salience in the context of the Hindutva forces’ propaganda to glorify Gandhi’s assassin and to promote the majoritarian-communal idea that India is a “Hindu Rashtra”. The commemorative event on 30 January was held, apart from JNU, at the India Art Fair as well by SAHMAT. The objective of the programmes was to remind ourselves why Gandhi was murdered and of the need to vigorously defend secularism in our country.

The campaign launched by the Delhi State Committee of SFI to combat the increased communal threat takes note of the fact that the national capital has not remained isolated from the political shifts that have occurred with the concerted attempts by the RSS-BJP and their affiliates to incite communal violence. These include attempts to engineer communal violence in Bawana and Trilokpuri, communal incidents in Sriram Colony, Nand Nagri, Madanpur Khadar etc. Along with this, there have been concerted attempts to infuse the Hindutva agenda into the education system in the name of so-called ‘Indianization’, which in reality is an attack on rationality and scientific temper. It is in this context that the Delhi State Committee of SFI launched the campaign Aman Ka Ailaan, a campaign in defence of secularism focusing on the students-youth studying in the national capital. This campaign will move forward with the understanding that today the struggle for secularism is inseparable from the struggle against neoliberal policies.

The programme in JNU, named Aman Ka Ailaan: A Festival in Defence of Secularism, began with the release of the new book Beyond Doubt: A Dossier on Gandhi's Assassination compiled and introduced by Teesta Setalvad, and published by Tulika Books. Anil Nauriya, Senior Advocate at the Supreme Court of India, spoke at the release function. He recalled that Savarkar, Godse’s ideological mentor, had put forward the theory that Hindus and Muslims were separate nations as early as 1939, which preceded even the Muslim League’s formulation of the demand for Pakistan. Nauriya said that there were several attempts to murder Gandhi from 1934 onwards. On 25 June 1934, for instance, a bomb was exploded on Gandhiji's cavalcade in Pune when he was in his anti-untouchability tour. During that tour there were a number of attempts to attack his motorcade. So Gandhiji's assassination was not just an event in the Hindu-Muslim context, or the India-Pakistan context, but an event in the context of the transformation of Indian society itself. The evidence that was brought to light during the trial in the Gandhi assassination case showed that the conspiracy to assassinate Gandhi was very well-financed. Two princely states – Bharatpur and Alwar – and a well-known industrial tycoon in Delhi were involved in funding the conspiracy.

Professor Irfan Habib, eminent historian, gave the keynote lecture titled “Gandhi’s Finest Hour”, on the efforts of Mahatma Gandhi to stop the communal violence that was flaring up in India during the last few months of his life. Professor Habib said that while the communists and the socialists had differences with Gandhi, there were many uniting points. Gandhi was a pioneer in organising the poor – the entry of the poor into the national movement was something that he introduced. The second thing that Gandhi introduced into the national movement was the marriage of social reform with political agitation. This came slowly, and painfully. In his Hind Swaraj (1909), he had denied that India needed social reform; but with his constructive programme, social reform came to the fore.

Gandhi had provided a platform where all communities could come together and where the foundations of a secular constitution could be laid. The Karachi Resolution of the Congress, which was drafted by Nehru, but presented by Gandhi himself, was a secular document and demanded the neutrality of the state vis-à-vis all religions.

Gandhi was at Calcutta when independence came. From 1 to 4 September 1947, after some incidents of murders of Muslims had occurred in Calcutta, he went on fast. Public opinion in West Bengal responded splendidly, as there were demonstrations in his support and by 4 September everyone assured him of peace. But on 4 September when he gave up his fast, the first slaughter occurred in Delhi. On September 4-5, 1947, 1000 Muslims were slaughtered in Delhi.

Gandhiji rushed to Delhi and when he arrived on 9 September, he was insulted both in the camps of refugees from Punjab and in Muslim camps. But the quite way in which he persisted in trying to help everyone without complaining ultimately silenced the critics. In November he forced the AICC, despite the wishes of Patel and many other Congress leaders to pinpoint the Muslim National Guard, the RSS and the Akali volunteers as responsible for the violence. He continuously also denounced what was happening in Punjab, Sind and Bahawalpur. He was writing letters and sending messages to leaders in Pakistan to do something. But he said that his first task was here, in India, and that when that is done he will go to Pakistan.

Ultimately on 12 January 1948, he announced that he was going on a hunger strike from the next day onwards. The Pakistan government was facing bankruptcy because of India going back on its agreement to pay Rs. 55 crore to Pakistan, and Gandhi felt that this was dishonourable. He let Nehru and Patel know that one of the two major conditions for him to withdraw the strike was that the amount must be paid to Pakistan immediately. The second condition was that Muslims should be allowed to go back to their houses, and all mosques and religious places of Muslims must be cleared of occupation by Hindus and Sikhs. However unpopular these demands were, whatever conscience calls for must be attempted, Gandhi felt.

On the third day of the fast, 10000 people turned up at the Red Fort to hear Jawaharlal Nehru pleading that peace be restored so that Gandhiji would end his fast. By the fifth day the number had swelled to one lakh. Then on 16 January, the Government of India made the announcement that it would pay Rs 55 crore to Pakistan. Gandhiji withdrew his fast and peace followed in Delhi. The slaughter in Pakistan also stopped. But Gandhi also signed his own death warrant. The RSS and Hindu Mahasabha leaders were calling for Gandhiji's life even before the fast. When Gandhiji died there were demonstrations and rallies throughout the country. It was clear to everyone that the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS were involved in the murder. Throughout the country on the evening of 30 January, sweets were distributed by the leaders of the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS.

In conclusion, two lessons were to be learnt from all this, Professor Habib said. One is that when the mainstream is wrong, we should say that it is wrong. Don't make unprincipled concessions and join "national hysterias". Second, the largest possible unity for a correct cause is called for, such as what was shown in January 1948 by the Indian people. Once we recognise that communal chauvinism is today the major political weapon of the corporate sector by which they have gained a government which hundred percent follows their will, then we should think seriously about how we can contribute to a national unity against the communal and corporate offensive.

The lecture was followed by the performance of the play ‘Safai Abhiyaan’ by the theatre group Bigul.

A black badgemarking the date and time of Gandhi’s martyrdom (30.01.1948, 5.17 pm) was distributed among the audience and two minutes of silence were observed at 5.17 pm. Postcards carrying various artists’ images of Gandhi on one side and words by Gandhi against religious fundamentalism on the other side were also available at the venue.

The programme concluded with musical performances by distinguished artists Tanveer Ahmed Khan, Priya Kanungo, Harpreet, Dhruv Sangari and Madan Gopal Singh. The performances celebrated the pluralistic traditions of India and sought to spread the message of communal harmony.