(A story of Andhra Pradesh) UNITED Andhra Pradesh, which was the laboratory for economic reforms, has now become the laboratory for corporate politics. Generally, in a democracy, people and parties who win the confidence of the public come to power. But in corporatocracy, money is playing an important role to mould public opinion. Affiliation based on caste, religion and region add to it. This had reached a nadir in the recently concluded general elections in 2014. Just before these general elections, elections were held to local bodies. Money was splurged even in these elections. The money spent in all these elections is mind-boggling. Repression was used in Bengal to coerce people to vote for the ruling classes, while in Andhra Pradesh, people were lured using various means to vote. Thus vote has become a commodity in the election market. The entire state was carpet bombed with money. Money was splurged to buy votes. Each vote quoted a price of 500 to 1500 depending on the constituency and the candidates in contest. In addition to this, liquor was distributed in large quantities. These elections had many youth who are registered as first time voters and many of them also became first time drinkers as liquor was distributed to them in a big way. Once addicted, they become lifelong drunkards, benefiting the liquor mafia, whose business grows exponentially. Even women demanded their share of liquor which was distributed, only to re-sell it in the market. Money was used to buy votes, for paid news, on liquor, to ensure that secondary leadership remains with them, for buying cadre from other parties, to buy other ticket aspirants from their own party and ensure that they withdraw from the fray. Similarly money was also spent to ensure that rival parties do not put up a 'strong' candidate against them and also does not divide their vote-bank. A lot was spent on such tactics. Those leaders who are neck deep in corruption are trying to influence people by dragging them too into the quagmire of corruption. This is the reason why people feel that selling votes and indulging in corruption are not wrong. Money is distributed to all houses irrespective of the fact whether they will vote or not. Lump-sum amounts are distributed through women and self-help groups. Groups that are formed by government are used as means to buy votes. They even paid 2500-3500 rupees for postal ballots. Additional money is pumped into distribution, if they feel that money distributed by various parties neutralised the money they had distributed earlier. Though there might be some differences in degree, Congress, YSRCP, TDP, BJP – are all one in using money to lure voters and none is holier than the other. Only exemption are the Communists, who represent an alternate political culture and hence are squeezed between this monetary splurge. Earlier, people used to enter politics only for power. They used to spend whatever they had earned through other businesses in politics. But today they are entering politics only to earn. Just as people invest in business to earn profits, they are investing in politics to earn super-profits. By being in power, they are gaining access to exploit government treasury, public assets and natural resources and are using government machinery to expand their business interests. Corporate houses, politicians and bureaucrats are deeply intermingled in this exploitation. Earlier leaders used to emerge from landlords and other rich classes who climbed to the top exploiting the loyalties of the people. They used to gain a foothold in politics by using the goodwill among the people to their advantage. But the hold of such people is gradually decreasing. Today, people with money bags are descending into politics from above. Those who are in real estate, financial sector, big contractors, industrialists, import-export business, transport owners, mafia, smugglers, retired bureaucrats who are corrupt and other such people are all entering into electoral fray. Even NRIs are entering politics or are sending huge amounts of money for their relatives who are in politics. Earlier corporate companies used to exert indirect control over politics. Today they are directly entering the fray. Nandan Nilekani, who owns 7700 crores of assets (the total assets owned by all the candidates contesting in elections is 40,000 crores, of which Nilekani, who is contesting from Bengaluru, owns 20 percent of the amount) is one example. There is no dearth of such people even in Andhra Pradesh. How much money one has, became the most important criteria in selecting candidates. Tickets are alloted on the basis of the money they are ready to spend for themselves and on the amount they are ready to donate to the party. Selling party tickets had become the practice. A part of this money is given to those candidates who are contesting from the reserved constituencies. But a substantial part of the money goes into the personal coffers of the leaders who collect it in the name of party. Those who are buying tickets are building their own cadre network with money. They are creating a brand image for themselves through media and building a ready-made election machinery. They are buying credibility through the media driven campaign. In the US, they shamelessly call all this as 'political entrepreneurship'. This culture is now being imported to India. In this manner, corporate politics is taking the place of feudal politics. Physical coercion is replaced by money power and that is the reason why we did not see much violence in the state during these elections, even after the polls against those who have not voted for them. It seems that these new sections are showing their expertise in the 'Art of War' tactics. Ultimately, both these cultures treat voters as slaves. Candidates are not concerned about the policies of various parties. The only thing they are concerned with is: does the party has the image to win? Will my investment earn me victory or will it be defeated? All this resembles betting on horses. It is for this purpose that parties and candidates employ marketing agencies for various surveys. Candidates are no more loyal to any particular party. They apply for ticket for one party in the morning and by evening get the B form from another party. There are even some experts who secured B forms from two different parties. Raghurama Krishnamraju, the parliamentary candidate from Narsapur, applied for both BJP and TDP. He was ready to contest on behalf of either party, when the seat is allocated to a particular party as part of the alliance. But 'unfortunately' the ticket was given to another 'strong' candidate. TDP had given tickets to many former Congress leaders who had switched sides at the last moment. TDP tried to appease the decades old loyalist leaders that they will be given posts after attaining power along with money that has been spent. However, some of these leaders did not heed to such promises and contested as rebel candidates. There are also some candidates who had contested on behalf of one party, withdrew their candidature at the last moment and declared their support to another party against whom they were contesting. Sabbam Hari, sitting MP, who had contested on behalf of the Jai Samaikyandhra Party from Visakhapatnam, withdrew from contest just one day before polling and extended his support to the BJP. Earlier there used to be a feudal expression of loyalty towards leaders and people used to cut each others throats. Cadre are realising that leaders are earning money by using them and so are keeping a price on their loyalties and are shifting to whoever pays them more. Earlier, leaders used to campaign by mobilising their followers, but today many of them are engaging daily labourers for this purpose by paying them 200-300 rupees. These are the people who are campaigning for all the parties except the Left. Whomsoever they vote, they are the ones who carried the flags of various parties. BJP, Congress, TDP, YSRCP, TRS and such parties had given crores of rupees to marketing agencies to run their election campaign. Instead of a common objective, winning seats has become the basis for various parties to enter into an alliance. The thinking driving electoral alliances is – 'If a seat is allocated to another party, will the candidate they choose be able to spend money? If he does not spend money and will lose the elections, we will fall short of one seat, so it is better instead to have our own candidate. That is the reason why these parties are not interested in alliance with Left parties. In some instances, candidates too are suggested and changed accordingly. If the other friendly party who is allotted the seat does not heed, they are putting up rebel candidates. In this manner, even the electoral adjustments, alliances between parties too are losing their value. The money that was splurged during these elections astonished many people. They are unable to realise where from this money had come. They never used to understand where had all the wealth that was created in the state gone and it is now visible before everyone's eyes. This culture had now spread to all the southern states in our country, except Kerala. Of course Andhra Pradesh stands first among all these states. After the election schedule was announced, more than 238 crores of rupees were seized throughout the country, of which more than half – 152 crores were seized only from Andhra Pradesh. One crore and 34 lakh litres of liquor was seized in the state. Liquor was hidden in wells and ponds. The election commission itself had identified 101 assembly constituencies sensitive to cash splurges. Wife of a minister, who never traveled in a RTC bus, was caught traveling with more than 45 lakhs. Two and half crore rupees was burnt while shifting the money in the engine of a car belonging to a prominent Congress leader in Nalgonda district. Another had shifted eight crores of rupees in a private bus. Even ambulances and OB vans belonging to some TV companies too were used to shift money. Many other creative methods too were employed including on line transfers, using the accounts of business persons and industrialists. Money was hid in underground dumps. The money that was caught is only the tip of the iceberg. Of course a part of money seized belongs to business person's black money. In these elections, some major Telugu newspapers literally functioned as flag-bearers of certain parties. They had completely set aside the basic journalistic norm of impartiality. This is apart from the menace of paid news. The present political fight became a do or die battle of survival for some of the media corporations. People were pushed to a situation, wherein they could not believe any news item appearing in the media. Jaganmohan Reddy's corruption was highlighted by Eenadu, while Sakshi highlighted the misdeeds of Chandrababu. For getting a picture of what is actually happening, the readers are forced to read both the newspapers. In the existing situation, only Prajasakti published unbiased news reports. News about Left parties was completely blacked out from all mainstream media channels and dailies. It was an open secret that for news to appear, 'packages' have to be fixed. In the district tabloid editions, there was little news except for paid news. In many constituencies, reports of CPI(M) candidates filing nominations too did not appear. Going by these reports, it would appear that CPI(M) did not contest from any seat in the state. These elections have thus laid the foundation for suppressing facts for money. Media also helped mask the opportunistic role played by various parties on the vital issue of the bifurcation of the state and also completely blacked out the communal danger of the BJP. Left and progressive politics are completely marginalised in the media. Another big business during elections is the betting racket on speculating the winners and losers. Many people, including the candidates are indulging in betting, which runs into crores of rupees. Surveys are conducted and speculative stories are floated to serve this purpose. The election commission framed many rules to control the money and muscle power, appealed to increase voting percent but had failed to ensure a level playing field and hence a free and fair election. Instead, these rules became an obstacle for the communist parties who are dependent on campaign alone. Some people are advancing the arguments that corporate funding should be legalised, while others are arguing that State should fund election campaigns. This is nothing but legalising corporate control over democracy. The present electoral system urgently needs an alternative. If money power and other influences have to be controlled, the only way out is proportional representation. People will vote to the parties on the basis of their policies. In this manner, efforts to influence people will reduce. If democratic values have to be restored and parliamentary democracy is to be strengthened to ensure that people really benefit, there is no other option except to usher in these reforms. The struggle for electoral reforms should form an integral part in the struggle for social change. Real democracy will flourish only if the Left gets strengthened. Only then will people get the real freedom to vote. Only then can a corruption-free rule be ensured.