DR KB Hedgewar would never have imagined in his wildest of dreams that an innocuous Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) which he established on Vijaya Dashmi day of October 27, 1925 to impart physical training to Hindus so that they could become physically strong enough to defeat their enemies belonging to other ‘non-Hindu religions’ could in its 90th year become a force to be reckoned with. As much as Mohan Bhagwat becoming so powerful that he would be able to address the whole nation on the RSS day of birth on October 22, 2015. RSS was established by Hedgewar in Nagpur in 1925 to unite fractured and fragmented Hindus so that they could become strong enough to save themselves from their so-called “religious enemies. RSS shakhas (branches) have spread in the whole country with 55,000 shakhas, 40 affiliates like Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal, Durga Vahini, et al.

Alongside these, the BJP governments are playing a decisive role in determining and dictating the agenda of national politics and culture for the entire nation. The reach of RSS is felt in remote villages, towns, cities, including the forest dwelling tribal population; with its committed cadre spreading the message of Hinduisation of the whole society as announced by Mohan Bhagwat that, “All those born here are Hindus and their DNA is Hindu”. It is not only that in 90 years RSS has become organisationally formidable, it is menacingly spreading the message of its ideology of Hindutva throughout the country. It deserves to be clearly mentioned here that ideologically committed RSS is indistinguishable from BJP governments and it is effectively using its governmental power to strengthen and solidify the root of its ideology of Hindutva. It is a ‘total’ effort on the part of every RSS trained Swayamsevak from prime minister downwards to work for the celebrated ideological goal of establishing Hindu nationhood in this country. This above description is essential to make a point that RSS of today deserves a close scrutiny because it is not the RSS of 1920s or 30s, but it is the RSS of the second decade of the 21st century. It controls the levers of powers of the Indian  State, it merits a deeper analysis by asking new questions for understanding the nature of new challenges posed by it.

The RSS of 21st century has become a “centre of power” in Indian society and it is essential to highlight its strategies for transforming plural and secular India into a monolith Hindu rashtra because it is not simply in power but expanding and strengthening its influence over the whole society. A few facts may be mentioned here to situate the new significance of the new RSS.

First, while its ideology has been in the public domain for the past 90 years and their goals too very much clear, it is vital to highlight the strategies adopted by the RSS to achieve its ideological goal because all its strategic goals are linked together and cannot be seen in isolation from their short term goals or limited achievements. The Nehru government had banned the RSS and arrested its leaders/cadres in 1948 when the country’s sentiments were against this organisation because of its alleged involvement in the conspiracy to assassinate Mahatma Gandhi on January 30, 1948, MS Golwalkar, the then RSS supremo was not at all disheartened by the Nehru government’s decision and he opened the line of communication with Sardar Patel, the then home minister and agreed to have a written constitution for the RSS. This is only one part of the story. The lessons learnt by the RSS leadership from this episode of 1948 was that they needed a political party to spread its ideological message through elections and also act as its defender in parliament. MS Golwalkar converted its adverse situation of 1948 into an opportunity to earn a legal status in Indian democracy. This has been a consistent strategy of the RSS and it has used every opening during every movement provided by others to legitimise itself and proceed further. The best example is that of the JP movement of 1974 where RSS actively participated in the movement, went to jail during the emergency and benefitted by its association with JP and during the elections of 1977. As the RSS-Jansangh combine electorally emerged as a single powerful force it became part of governments at the centre as well as some states of India. It has become a running theme with RSS/Jansangh/BJP that it is not a Hindu communal organisation because JP never described it as communal. The meaning of this is quite clear that politically “untouchable” RSS in 1948 became respectable in 1974 and never looked back continuing its march forward.

Second, this strategy of step-by-step planning for moving forward was again repeated in 1990 when BJP and RSS affiliates led by LK Advani launched Ram Temple movement from Somnath to Ayodhya in December 1992 and demolished the Babri mosque. Was the goal of building a Ram temple achieved? It was foolhardy to accept that RSS-BJP were interested in the construction of Ram temple, because the real strategic goal of temple movement of 1990 to 1992 was to demonise the Muslims and polarise Hindu-Muslim community  of India so that BJP could gain the status of  “sole champion of Hindu causes and self-respect”.

Third, the BJP and RSS have used every opportunity to enter the corridors of political power and every ‘coalition government’, if required BJP’s support, it was available. It has always supported ‘anti- Congressism’ to advance its interests by participating in coalition governments at the centre and state levels beginning with 70s and continuing till 2004. It is only the BJP which came out successful out of every tottering and temporary coalition government because under the protective umbrella of coalition governments beginning with the 1970s, the RSS has been able to expand its shakhas and penetrate within the bureaucratic and security organisations of the Indian State. The upshot of above narrative is that RSS-BJP has used every opportunity, small or big, to its advantage and even during unstable and temporary coalition governments, the BJP as coalition partner tried to implement its own specific agenda. BJP created the fertile ground for the expansion of the RSS. This is the explanation for the formidable presence of RSS in 90 years of its existence and it has followed “strategies” one after the other by keeping in mind its real goal of strengthening itself so that it could spread its ideology of making India a Hindu Rashtra.

It needs to be mentioned that RSS Swayam Sevak turned PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee from 1998 to 2004 always presented in public that he was compelled to follow “coalition dharma” and make sacrifices while in government. Is it so? The answer is a big NO. Vajpayee as PM provided opportunities to the RSS and its affiliates to expand their areas of activity because they were fully “protected” by the BJP in power. Narendra Modi, the then chief minister of Gujarat was a beneficiary of this protective umbrella after the post Godhra riots spread like wildfire in 2002. This story of the gradual growth of the RSS has succeeded in bringing Narendra Modi into power at the centre in May 2014. India is now witnessing the real power of the Hindu Rashtravaadis with Mohan Bhagwat stating in public “trust Modi, one loyal Swayam sevak”. Modi’s cabinet ministers were called by Bhagwat for three days in Delhi to  “explain their achievements and performance” in the government and it was left to Modi, who while appearing in this “accountability session” observed in September 2015 that RSS is our “Marg darshak”. Further he stated that RSS has taught “values” to him which he is pursuing. Even Vajpayee during his tenure had proclaimed his complete loyalty to RSS and this provides us with watertight evidence that RSS and all its affiliates including the BJP are “comrade-in-arms” and provide collective support to one another while achieving the supreme goal of establishing Hindu Rashtra in Indian politics. It is RSS which is laying down the agenda for Hinduisation of India. Hence, ‘Alternative Left Democratic politics’ has to confront and challenge this agenda of RSS. India is facing a challenge of Hindutva and organisational network of the Hindu Rashtrawadis is becoming strong. It is imperative to confront these forces politically, ideologically and organisationally. The RSS in its infant stage projected itself as a social movement and its appeal to Hindus that Hindutva requires rejuvenation had attracted small time traders and merchants of small cities and towns in Western India and because of the presence of Arya Samaj in North India, the RSS could reach Hindu minded trading class. This was the social base of RSS and even at the age of 90 it has not abandoned its pro-property ideology and the Hindu private property minded classes have found great hospitality in the ideology of RSS ie, combination of Hindutva with protector of property rights of the Hindus. This is the material foundation of RSS that the BJP led government at the centre and the states are able to harmonise their basic ideology of Hindutva with the class interests of Hindu monopoly capitalist class. Ideologies have a material foundation and this is the ‘social- material’ base of Hindu Sangh Parivar.