THE adoption of a Party Programme in the 7th Congress of the Communist Party of India on November 7, 1964 at the then city of Calcutta marked the conclusion of a long drawn political and ideological struggle within the Indian Communist movement. That struggle was about the character of the Indian State and also on the role of the working class in the revolutionary struggle towards a socialist state in India. This also heralded the birth of a new party – the Communist Party of India (Marxist). By that time, the differences in the Communist Party of India were accumulating for more than 10 years, long before the ideological differences in the international Communist movement, came into open. The role of the Indian bourgeoisie in the Indian State was conclusively decided upon in the Party Programme. According to the Programme, the Indian State is ‘the organ of the class rule of bourgeoisie and the landlords, led by the big bourgeoisie, who are increasingly collaborating with foreign finance capital in pursuit of capitalist path of development’. This Party Programme called for the working class leadership in the People’s Democratic Revolution with the strategic goal of a People’s Democratic State led by the working class. It was this clarity of understanding on the leading role of the working class that mainly demarcated the CPI (M) from the others. NO OTHER CLASS CAN LEAD The Programme, underlining the importance of the working class leadership, asserted that the People’s Democratic Front cannot successfully be built and the revolution cannot attain victory except under the leadership of the working class of India and its political party. Going into the historical experience, the Party Programme emphatically made it clear that ‘no other class in modern society except the working class is destined to play this role’. Outlining the alliance that has to be built under the working class leadership, the Programme stated – ‘The core and basis of the people’s democratic front is the firm alliance of the working class and the peasantry. This alliance is the most important force in defending national independence, accomplishing far-reaching democratic transformations and ensuring all round social progress’. At the same time, the 7th Congress had taken note of the weaknesses that had engulfed the trade unions and other mass organisations, which should take the lead in organising workers, peasants and agricultural workers. A resolution adopted in that Party Congress, called upon the Party members to ‘throw themselves, heart and soul into the urgent task of giving organised leadership to the organised mass actions … in order to secure relief for the people and improve their living conditions’. The resolution noted that ‘this task cannot be successfully discharged unless the serious dangers arising from the weakness in mass organisations, particularly in the trade unions, kisan sabhas and agricultural labour unions are fully grasped and the weakness rapidly overcome’. What was the situation in the trade union movement at that time? While the government and the ruling classes were on the offensive and the burdens on the working people were increasing, workers even under the reformist leadership were on the move. CALL FOR MOBILISATION The Party called upon all its members and cadres ‘to evolve correct and feasible demands, mobilise the workers and also to fraternally approach the workers under other trade union centres, combined with a proper approach to the leadership to unleash united struggles’. At the same time, it was clarified that the struggles which are developing cannot be defended by relying up on spontaneity. The importance of the task of strengthening the organisation, organising the vast non-unionised mass of workers and raising their political consciousness were underlined. At the same time, the Party Congress did not fail to underline the prevailing critical situation in the trade union movement. The resolution adopted in the Congress noted that ‘the trade union movement is deeply sunk in economism. We have failed to develop political consciousness of the workers and rally them in support of other sections of the people particularly the peasants and agricultural labourers’. The Party was called upon to rapidly overcome this weakness and to ‘rapidly inculcate political consciousness in every way’. The Party was determined at that time to take all efforts to protect the unity of the working class and so gave the call to maintain the unity of the AITUC and to strengthen it. It called for the defeat of all attempts of disrupting the unity of the AITUC by mobilising the workers. The Party also gave a call for the eradication of the severe weakness in trade union democracy which has seriously jeopardised movement and led to the development of bureaucratic functioning. Thus, the Party’s tasks in the trade union front have been enlisted briefly in the resolution adopted in the Calcutta Congress itself. The direction was clear – maintain unity, strengthen the organisation, ensure its democratic functioning, increase political consciousness and organise massive and militant struggles. DOCUMENT ON TASKS These directives were further elaborated and strengthened in the document ‘On Tasks on the Trade Union Front’ adopted by the Central Committee in 1967. This resolution touched upon all the political, organisational and ideological aspects of the work among the working class. Utmost importance was also given to the issue of class unity keeping in view the existing weakness of class unity on even economic struggles. The ‘Tasks’ document noted that to enable the trade unions to play their role effectively, ‘they must become an effective instrument in the defence of the economic interest of the working class; must be in a position to unite the entire working class in the struggle’. The importance of this unity and of intensifying class struggle in raising class consciousness was also emphasised. While stressing the importance of united front to resist and defeat the offensive of the capitalists and the government, the ‘Tasks’ document emphasised the necessity of the working class to ‘act as a class in this resistance’. The relevance, even today, of the following direction of the 1967 document for developing united actions is of great significance: ‘The most consistent and determined operation of the tactics of united front from below constitutes the real Bolshevik method of mobilising the masses. It has to be supplemented by offers of united front from the top which at times is a precondition of united front from below. Only the broad united front, the starting point of which is the spontaneous striving of the masses towards unity in the struggle against the capitalist offensive will rally the organised and unorganised, the advanced and backward, workers belonging to all shades of trade unions and political parties in a successful bid to defend their interests’. This document called for a complete break from the past practices and carried the message of class unity and class struggle. It was on the basis of such an understanding that the Party has been carrying on its work among the working class. But, it was not possible to carry forward the tasks of strengthening unity, ensuring democratic functioning and developing militant struggles under the banner of the AITUC. Efforts of the CPI(M) leadership to maintain unity within the AITUC did not fructify. The struggle within the AITUC which had started in 1962 itself continued till 1969. The ideological and political understanding of the dominant leadership of the AITUC at that time was such that they were not prepared to take the lead to organise struggles under various pretexts. Differences cropped up on various important issues facing the working people of the country like wages, dearness allowance and bonus as well as the ideological and political issues like the approach towards the government. All efforts to settle these issues in a democratic manner were scuttled. All this is now part of the history of the working class movement. All these were happening at a time when ‘the working class has been facing continuously ferocious attacks from the employers and the government.’ After the 1967 elections and the defeat of Congress in eight states, there were outbursts of anger among the people and intense struggles by various sections. The government at the Centre unleashed a serious offensive against the working class struggles. The state governments in Kerala and West Bengal, with CPI (M) playing a leading role, stood with the workers and refused to succumb to the pressure of the government of India. During this period these governments were also toppled through conspiracies initiated by the ruling classes. A NEW ORGANISATION The failure of the AITUC leadership to keep pace with the aspirations and expectations of the sufferings of the struggling workers and also the undemocratic functioning at different levels, forced the Party cadres working in the AITUC to form a new trade union – Centre of Indian Trade Unions – in 1970. The foundation conference of the CITU stressed the necessity of strengthening unity of the working class and gave the war cry of ‘Unity and Struggle’ - unity for strengthening struggles and struggles to strengthen unity. The countrywide campaigns of the CITU began with the observance of a Unity Week. In his concluding address in the foundation conference of the CITU, BT Ranadive, its founder president and Polit Bureau member of CPI(M) elaborately dealt with the importance of unity and united struggles. He said – ‘This is the time, when working class demands unity, this is the time when working class on its own thinks that unless it is united, the offensive cannot be met. This is the time when our organisation must jump into the fray and tell everyone – here is the banner of unity, of common action, joint action’. CPI(M) leaders and cadres have been marching ahead during the last fifty years, carrying forward this understanding and putting into practice the slogan of unity and struggle. Through consistent efforts to develop united struggles against the anti-worker policies of the successive governments, several platforms like the United Council of Trade Unions, National Campaign Committee, Sponsoring Committee of Indian trade unions and the present all-inclusive joint platform of all the eleven Central trade unions and also of independent national federations of workers and employees have evolved. The Party fully supported all these initiatives. Its activists stood in the forefront in taking the message of unity to the workers in different sectors and in mobilising them in the historic strikes and struggles that have taken place during this period. THE NEW CHALLENGES Under the neo-liberal regime in the country for more than two and a half decades, serious offensives are going on against the working people. The Ideological Resolution adopted in the 20th Congress notes: “The very logic of neo-liberal reforms leads to and perpetuates the rapid growth of labour force that is increasingly relegated to what is called the unorganised sections. The conversion of regular employment into casual and contractual labour, apart from generating higher profits, is the class attempt of the ruling classes to ensure that the working class unity remains divided and disrupted. Larger and larger numbers are joining the ranks of casual, temporary and self-employed workers.” Even in the organised sectors, majority of the workers are now under contractors. This is in addition to the informal or unorganised sector workers, generally estimated to be around 95 percent. The Ideological Resolution had stressed: “Appropriate tactics need to be worked out to overcome these challenges and strengthen the unity of the working class by drawing the vast mass of the unorganised labour into revolutionary activity.” With the new BJP-led NDA government in power, with the fullest backing of Indian and foreign corporates, new offensives against the hard-won rights of the working class have begun. Within 100 days of being in power, important labour legislations are being amended unilaterally, thereby taking away vast majority of industrial workers from the purview of labour legislations and also the inspectorates. These challenges have to be met effectively. The joint platform of Central Trade Unions and Federations has already taken it up and campaigns and struggles have begun. The Party has to take necessary initiatives in this important struggle. The working class movement of the country is facing a critical situation today. Major tasks laid down by the Party for its work in the trade union front remain mostly unfulfilled. The unity forged at the top level of the trade union movement is yet to reach the grassroots level. Various weaknesses listed in the ‘Tasks’ documents of 1967 and 1983 and in the various reviews undertaken by the Party committees and conferences remain unfulfilled. We have not been able to raise the level of political consciousness of the working class and adequately equip our cadres to effectively undertake this task. Much needs to be done to attract the militant sections of the working class movement towards the Party in its endeavour to form the People’s Democratic Front under the leadership of the working class. This requires intensification of class struggles and raising class consciousness of the working class. This requires overcoming of the weaknesses pointed out in ‘Tasks’ document with due urgency. As noted in the `Resolution on Some Ideological Issues’, adopted in the 20th Party Congress – ‘As a party wedded to achieve the liberation of the Indian people under the leadership of the working class, it is imperative that the class unity and revolutionary consciousness and strength of the working class must be raised to a level where it can lead the rest of the Indian exploited sections in mounting the class offensive – an assault against the Rule of Capital in India’.